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Glyn Hughes' SQUASHED WRITERS ALL THE BOOKS YOU THINK YOU OUGHT TO HAVE READ In their own words... but magically Squashed into half-hour short stories... |
The
Squashed version of
The Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire
by
Edward Gibbon (1737 - 1794)
1787
PART I
I: Rome, Mistress of the World
In the second century of the Christian era, the Empire of Rome
comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most
civilised portion of mankind. On the death of Augustus, that
emperor bequeathed, as a valuable legacy to his successors, the
advice of confining the empire within those limits which nature
seemed to have placed as its permanent bulwarks and
boundaries--on the west the Atlantic Ocean, the Rhine and Danube
on the north, the Euphrates on the east, and towards the south
the sandy deserts of Arabia and Africa. The subsequent settlement
of Great Britain and Dacia supplied the two exceptions to the
precepts of Augustus, if we omit the transient conquests of
Trajan in the east, which were renounced by Hadrian.
By maintaining the dignity of the empire, without attempting to
enlarge its limits, the early emperors caused the Roman name to
be revered among the most remote nations of the earth. The terror
of their arms added weight and dignity to their moderation. They
preserved peace by a constant preparation for war. The soldiers,
though drawn from the meanest, and very frequently from the most
profligate, of mankind, and no longer, as in the days of the
ancient republic, recruited from Rome herself, were preserved in
their allegiance to the emperor, and their invincibility before
the enemy, by the influences of superstition, inflexible
discipline, and the hopes of reward. The peace establishment of
the Roman army numbered some 375,000 men, divided into thirty
legions, who were confined, not within the walls of fortified
cities, which the Romans considered as the refuge of
pusillanimity, but upon the confines of the empire; while 20,000
chosen soldiers, distinguished by the titles of City Cohorts and
Prætorian Guards, watched over the safety of the monarch and the
capitol.
"Wheresoever the Roman conquers he inhabits," was a
very just observation of Seneca. Colonies, composed for the most
part of veteran soldiers, were settled throughout the empire.
Rich and prosperous cities, adorned with magnificent temples and
baths and other public buildings, demonstrated at once the
magnificence and majesty of the Roman system. In Britain, York
was the seat of government. London was already enriched by
commerce, and Bath was celebrated for the salutary effects of its
medicinal waters.
All the great cities were connected with each other, and with the
capital, by the public highway, which, issuing from the Forum of
Rome, traversed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and was terminated
only by the frontiers of the empire. This great chain of
communications ran in a direct line from city to city, and in its
construction the Roman engineers snowed little respect for the
obstacles, either of nature or of private property. Mountains
were perforated and bold arches thrown over the broadest and most
rapid streams. The middle part of the road, raised into a terrace
which commanded the adjacent country, consisted of several strata
of sand, gravel, and cement, and was paved with granite or large
stones. Distances were accurately computed by milestones, and the
establishment of post-houses, at a distance of five or six miles,
enabled a citizen to travel with ease a hundred miles a day along
the Roman roads.
This freedom of intercourse, which was established throughout the
Roman world, while it extended the vices, diffused likewise the
improvements of social life. Rude barbarians of Gaul laid aside
their arms for the more peaceful pursuits of agriculture. The
cultivation of the earth produced abundance in every portion of
the empire, and accidental scarcity in any single province was
immediately relieved by the plentifulness of its more fortunate
neighbours. Since the productions of nature are the materials of
art, this flourishing condition of agriculture laid the
foundation of manufactures, which provided the luxurious Roman
with those refinements of conveniency, of elegance, and of
splendour which his tastes demanded. Commerce flourished, and the
products of Egypt and the East were poured out in the lap of
Rome.
Though there still existed within the body of the Roman Empire an
unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without sharing
the benefits of society, the position of a slave was greatly
improved in the progress of Roman development. The power of life
and death was taken from his master's hands and vested in the
magistrate, to whom he had a right to appeal against intolerable
treatment. These magistrates exercised the authority of the
emperor and the senate in every quarter of the empire, inflexibly
maintaining in their administration, as in the case of military
government, the use of the Latin tongue. Greek was the natural
idiom of science, Latin that of government.
II: The Seeds of Dissolution
But while Roman society persisted in a state of peaceful
security, it already contained within itself the seeds of
dissolution. The long peace and uniform government of the Romans
introduced a slow and secret poison into the vitals of the
empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the same
level, the fire of genius was extinguished, and even the military
spirit evaporated. The citizens received laws and covenants from
the will of their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a
mercenary army. Of their ancient freedom nothing remained except
the name, and that Augustus, sensible that mankind is governed by
names, was careful to preserve.
It was by the will of the senate the emperor ruled. It was from
the senate that he received the ancient titles of the
republic--of consul, tribune, pontiff, and censor. Even his title
of _imperator_ was decreed him, according to the custom of the
republic, only for a period of ten years. But this specious
pretence, which was preserved until the last days of the empire,
did not mask the real autocratic authority of the emperor. The
fact that he nominated citizens to the senate was proof, if proof
were needed, that the independence of that body was destroyed;
for the principles of a free constitution are irrecoverably lost
when the legislative power is nominated by the executive.
Moreover, the dependence of the emperor on the legions completely
subverted the civil authority. To keep the military power, which
had given him his position, from undermining it, Augustus had
summoned to his aid whatever remained in the fierce minds of his
soldiers of Roman prejudices, and interposing the majesty of the
senate between the emperor and the army, boldly claimed their
allegiance as the first magistrate of the republic. During a
period of 220 years, the dangers inherent to a military
government were in a great measure suspended by this artful
system. The soldiers were seldom roused to that fatal sense of
their own strength and of the weakness of the civil authority
which afterwards was productive of such terrible calamities.
The emperors Caligula and Domitian were assassinated in their
palace by their own domestics. The Roman world, it is true, was
shaken by the events that followed the death of Nero, when, in
the space of eighteen months, four princes perished by the sword.
But, excepting this violent eruption of military licence, the two
centuries from Augustus to Commodus passed away unstained with
civil blood and undisturbed by revolution. The Roman citizens
might groan under the tyranny, from which they could not hope to
escape, of the unrelenting Tiberius, the furious Caligula, the
profligate and cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius, and the timid,
inhuman Domitian; but order was maintained, and it was not until
Commodus, the son of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the philosopher,
succeeded to the authority that his father had exercised for the
benefit of the Roman Empire that the army fully realised, and did
not fail to exercise, the power it had always possessed.
During the first three years of his reign the vices of Commodus
affected the emperor rather than the state. While the young
prince revelled in licentious pleasures, the management of
affairs remained in the hands of his father's faithful
councillors; but, in the year 183, the attempt of his sister
Lucilla to assassinate him produced fatal results. The assassin,
in attempting the deed, exclaimed, "The senate sends you
this!" and though the blow never reached the body of the
emperor, the words sank deep into his heart.
He turned upon the senate with relentless cruelty. The possession
of either wealth or virtue excited the tyrant's fury. Suspicion
was equivalent to proof; trial to condemnation, and the noblest
blood of the senate was poured out like water.
He has shed with impunity the noblest blood of Rome; he perished
as soon as he was dreaded by his own domestics. A cup of drugged
wine, delivered by his favourite concubine, plunged him in a deep
sleep. At the instigation of Lætus, his Prætorian prefect, a
robust youth was admitted into his chamber, and strangled him
without resistance. With secrecy and celerity the conspirators
sought out Pertinax, the prefect of the city, an ancient senator
of consular rank, and persuaded him to accept the purple. A large
donative secured them the support of the Prætorian guard, and
the joyous senate eagerly bestowed upon the new Augustus all the
titles of imperial power.
For eighty-six days Pertinax ruled the empire with firmness and
moderation, but the strictness of the ancient discipline that he
attempted to restore in the army excited the hatred of the
Prætorian guards, and the new emperor was struck down on March
28, 193.
III: An Empire at Auction
The Prætorians had violated the sanctity of the throne by the
atrocious murder of Pertinax; they dishonored the majesty of it
with their subsequent conduct. They ran out upon the ramparts of
the city, and with a loud voice proclaimed that the Roman world
was to be disposed of to the best bidder by public auction.
Sulpicianus, father-in-law of Pertinax, and Didius Julianus, bid
against each other for the prize. It fell to Julian, who offered
upwards of £1,000 sterling to each of the soldiers, and the
author of this ignominious bargain received the insignia of the
empire and the acknowledgments of a trembling senate.
The news of this disgraceful auction was received by the legions
of the frontiers with surprise, with indignation, and, perhaps,
with envy. Albinus, governor of Britain, Niger, governor of
Syria, and Septimius Severus, a native of Africa, commander of
the Pannonian army, prepared to revenge the death of Pertinax,
and to establish their own claims to the vacant throne. Marching
night and day, Severus crossed the Julian Alps, swept aside the
feeble defences of Julian, and put an end to a reign of power
which had lasted but sixty-six days, and had been purchased with
such immense treasure. Having secured the supreme authority,
Severus turned his arms against his two competitors, and within
three years, and in the course of two or three battles,
established his position and brought about the death of both
Albinus and Niger.
The prosperity of Rome revived, and a profound peace reigned
throughout the world. At the same time, Severus was guilty of two
acts which were detrimental to the future interests of the
republic. He relaxed the discipline of the army, increased their
pay beyond the example of former times, re-established the
Prætorian guards, who had been abolished for their transaction
with Julian, and welded more firmly the chains of tyranny by
filling the senate with his creatures. At the age of sixty-five
in the year 211, he expired at York of a disorder which was
aggravated by the labours of a campaign against the Caledonians.
Severus recommended concord to his sons, Caracalla and Geta, and
his sons to the army. The government of the civilised world was
entrusted to the hands of brothers who were implacable enemies. A
latent civil war brooded in the city, and hardly more than a year
passed before the assassins of Caracalla put an end to an
impossible situation by murdering Geta. Twenty thousand persons
of both sexes suffered death under the vague appellation of the
friends of Geta. The fears of Macrinus, the controller of the
civil affairs of the Prætorian prefecture, brought about his
death in the neighbourhood of Carrhæ in Syria on April 8, 217.
For a little more than a year his successor governed the empire,
but the necessary step of reforming the army brought about his
ruin. On June 7, 218, he succumbed to the superior fortune of
Elagabulus, the grandson of Severus, a youth trained in all the
superstitions and vices of the East.
Under this sovereign Rome was prostituted to the vilest vices of
which human nature is capable. The sum of his infamy was reached
when the master of the Roman world affected to copy the dress and
manners of the female sex. The shame and disgust of the soldiers
resulted in his murder on March 10, 222, and the proclamation of
his cousin, Alexander Severus.
Again the necessity of restoring discipline within the army led
to the ruin of the emperor, and, despite thirteen years of just
and moderate government, Alexander was murdered in his tent on
March 19, 235, on the banks of the Rhine, and Maximin, his chief
lieutenant, a Thracian, reigned in his stead.
IV: Tyranny and Disaster
Fear of contempt, for his origin was mean and barbarian, made
Maximin one of the cruellest tyrants that ever oppressed the
Roman world. During the three years of his reign he disdained to
visit either Rome or Italy, but from the banks of the Rhine and
the Danube oppressed the whole state, and trampled on every
principle of law and justice. The tyrant's avarice ruined not
only private citizens, but seized the municipal funds of the
cities, and stripped the very temples of their gold and silver
offerings.
Maximus and Balbinus, on July 9, 237, were declared emperors. The
Emperor Maximus advanced to meet the furious tyrant, but the
stroke of domestic conspiracy prevented the further eruption of
civil war. Maximin and his son were murdered by their
disappointed troops in front of Aquileia.
Three months later, Maximus and Balbinus, on July 15, 238, fell
victims to their own virtues at the hands of the Prætorian
guard, Gordian became emperor. At the end of six years, he, too,
after an innocent and virtuous reign, succumbed to the ambition
of the prefect Philip, while engaged in a war with Persia, and in
March 244, the Roman world recognized the sovereignty of an
Arabian robber.
Returning to Rome, Philip celebrated the secular games, on the
accomplishment of the full period of a thousand years from the
foundation of Rome. From that date, which marked the fifth time
that these rites had been performed in the history of the city,
for the next twenty years the Roman world was afflicted by
barbarous invaders and military tyrants, and the ruined empire
seemed to approach the last and fatal moment of its dissolution.
Six emperors in turn succeeded to the sceptre of Philip and ended
their lives, either as the victims of military licence, or in the
vain attempt to stay the triumphal eruption of the Goths and the
Franks and the Suevi. In three expeditions the Goths seized the
Bosphorus, plundered the cities of Bithynia, ravaged Greece, and
threatened Italy, while the Franks invaded Gaul, overran Spain
and the provinces of Africa.
Some sparks of their ancient virtue enabled the senate to repulse
the Suevi, who threatened Rome herself, but the miseries of the
empire were not assuaged by this one triumph, and the successes
of Sapor, king of Persia, in the East, seemed to foreshadow the
immediate downfall of Rome. Six emperors and thirty tyrants
attempted in vain to stay the course of disaster. Famine and
pestilence, tumults and disorders, and a great diminution of the
population marked this period, which ended with the death of the
Emperor Gallienus on March 20, 268.
V: Restorers of the Roman World
The empire, which had been oppressed and almost destroyed by the
soldiers, the tyrants, and the barbarians, was saved by a series
of great princes, who derived their obscure origin from the
martial provinces of Illyricum. Within a period of about thirty
years, Claudius, Aurelian, Probus, Diocletian and his colleagues
triumphed over the foreign and domestic enemies of the state,
re-established, with a military discipline, the strength of the
frontier, and deserved the glorious title of Restorers of the
Roman world.
Claudius gained a crushing victory over the Goths, whose
discomfiture was completed by disease in the year 269. And his
successor, Aurelian, in a reign of less than five years, put an
end to the Gothic war, chastised the Germans who invaded Italy,
recovered Gaul, Spain, and Britain from the Roman usurpers, and
destroyed the proud monarchy which Zenobia, Queen of Palmyra, had
erected in the East on the ruins of the afflicted empire.
The murder of Aurelian in the East (January 275) led to a curious
revival of the authority of the senate. During an interregnum of
eight months the ancient assembly at Rome governed with the
consent of the army, and appeared to regain with the election of
Tacitus, one of their members, all their ancient prerogatives.
Their authority expired, however, with the death of his
successor, Probus, who delivered the empire once more from the
invasions of the barbarians, and succumbed to the too common fate
of assassination in August 282.
Carus, who was elected in his place, maintained the reputation of
the Roman arms in the East; but his supposed death by lightning,
by delivering the sceptre into the hands of his sons Carinus and
Numerian (December 25, 283), once more placed the Roman world at
the mercy of profligacy and licentiousness. A year later, the
election of the Emperor Diocletian (September 17, 284) founded a
new era in the history and fortunes of the empire.
It was the artful policy of Diocletian to destroy the last
vestiges of the ancient constitution. Dividing his unwieldly
power among three other associates--Maximian, a rough, brutal
soldier, who ranked as Augustus; and Galerius and Constantius,
who bore the inferior titles of Cæsar--the emperor removed the
centre of government by gradual steps from Rome. Diocletian and
Maximian held their courts in the provinces, and the authority of
the senators was destroyed by spoliation and death.
VI: Reign of the Six Emperors
For twenty-one years Diocletian held sway, establishing, with the
assistance of his associates, the might of the Roman arms in
Britain, Africa, Egypt, and Persia; and then, on May 1, 305, in a
spacious plain in the neighborhood of Nicomedia, divested himself
of the purple and abdicated the throne. On the same day at Milan,
Maximian reluctantly made his resignation of the imperial
dignity.
According to the rules of the new constitution, Constantius and
Galerius assumed the title of Augustus, and nominated Maximin and
Severus as Cæsars. The elaborate machinery devised by Diocletian
at once broke down. Galerius, who was supported by Severus,
intrigued for the possession of the whole Roman world.
Constantine, the son of Constantius, on account of his popularity
with the army and the people, excited his suspicion, and only the
flight of Constantine saved him from death. He made his way to
Gaul, and, after taking part in a campaign with his father
against the Caledonians, received the title of Augustus in the
imperial palace at York on the death of Constantius.
Civil war once more raged. Maxentius, the son of Maximian, was
declared Emperor of Rome, and, with the assistance of his father,
who broke from his retirement, defended his title against
Severus, who was taken prisoner at Ravenna and executed at Rome
in February 307. Galerius, who had raised Licinius to fill the
post vacated by the death of Severus, invaded Italy to
reestablish his authority, but, after threatening Rome, was
compelled to retire.
There were now six emperors. Maximian and his son Maxentius and
Constantine in the West; in the East, Gelerius, Maximin, and
Licinius. The second resignation of Maximian, and his renewed
attempt to seize the imperial power by seducing the soldiers of
Constantine, and his subsequent execution at Marseilles in
February 310, reduced the number to five. Galerius died of a
lingering disorder in the following year, and the civil war that
broke out between Maxentius and Constantine, culminating in a
battle near Rome in 312, placed the sceptre of the West in the
hands of the son of Constantius. In the East, the alliance
between Licinius and Maximin dissolved into discord, and the
defeat of the latter on April 30, 313, ended in his death three
or four months later.
The empire was now divided between Constantine and Licinius, and
the ambition of the two princes rendered peace impossible. In the
years 315 and 323 civil conflict broke out, ending, after the
battle of Adrianople and the siege of Byzantium, in a culminating
victory for Constantine in the field of Chrysopolis, in
September. Licinius, taken prisoner, laid himself and his purple
at the feet of his lord and master, and was duly executed.
By successive steps, from his first assuming the purple at York,
to the resignation of Licinius, Constantine had reached the
undivided sovereignty of the Roman world. His success contributed
to the decline of the empire by the expense of blood and
treasure, and by the perpetual increase as well of the taxes as
of the military establishments. The foundation of Constantinople
and the establishment of the Christian religion were the
immediate and memorable consequences of this revolution.
PART II
I: Decay of the Empire under Constantine
The unfortunate Licinius was the last rival who opposed the
greatness of Constantine. After a tranquil and prosperous reign,
the conqueror bequeathed to his family the inheritance of the
Roman Empire; a new capital, a new policy, and a new religion;
and the innovations which he established have been embraced, and
consecrated, by succeeding generations.
Byzantium, which, under the more august name of Constantinople,
was destined to preserve the shadow of the Roman power for nearly
a thousand years after it had been extinguished by Rome herself,
was the site selected for the new capital. Its boundary was
traced by the emperor, and its circumference measured some
sixteen miles. In a general decay of the arts no architect could
be found worthy to decorate the new capital, and the cities of
Greece and Asia were despoiled of their most valuable ornaments
to supply this want of ability. In the course of eight or ten
years the city, with its beautiful forum, its circus, its
imperial palace, its theatres, baths, churches, and houses, was
completed with more haste than care. The dedication of the new
Rome was performed with all due pomp and ceremony, and a
population was provided by the expedient of summoning some of the
wealthiest families in the empire to take up their residence
within its walls.
The gradual decay of Rome had eliminated that simplicity of
manners which was the just pride of the ancient republic. Under
the autocratic system of Diocletian, a hierarchy of dependents
had sprung up. The rank of each was marked with the most
scrupulous exactness, and the purity of the Latin language was
debased by the invention of the deceitful titles of your
Sincerity, your Excellency, your Illustrious and Magnificent
Highness.
The officials of the empire were divided into three classes of
the Illustrious, Respectable, and Honourable. The consuls were
still annually elected, but obtained the semblance of their
ancient authority, not from the suffrages of the people, but from
the whim of the emperor. On the morning of January 1 they assumed
the ensigns of their dignity, and in the two capitals of the
empire they celebrated their promotion to office by the annual
games. As soon as they had discharged these customary duties,
they retired into the shade of private life, to enjoy, during the
remainder of the year, the undisturbed contemplation of their own
greatness. Their names served only as the legal date of the year
in which they had filled the chair of Marius and of Cicero. The
ancient title of Patrician became now an empty honour bestowed by
the emperor. Four prefects held jurisdiction over as many
divisions of the empire, and two municipal prefects ruled Rome
and Constantinople. The proconsuls and vice-prefects belonged to
the rank of Respectable, and the provincial magistrates to the
lower class of Honourable. In the military system, eight
master-generals exercised their jurisdiction over the cavalry and
the infantry, while thirty-five military commanders, with the
titles of counts and dukes, under their orders, held sway in the
provinces. The army itself was recruited with difficulty, for
such was the horror of the profession of a soldier which affected
the minds of the degenerate Romans that compulsory levies had
frequently to be made. The number of the barbarian auxiliaries
enormously increased, and they were included in the legions and
the troops that surrounded the throne. Seven ministers with the
rank of Illustrious regulated the affairs of the palace, and a
host of official spies and torturers swelled the number of the
immediate followers of the sovereign.
The general tribute, or indiction, as it was called, was derived
largely from the taxation of landed property. Every fifteen years
an accurate census, or survey, was made of all lands, and the
proprietor was compelled to state the true facts of his affairs
under oath, and paid his contribution partly in gold and partly
in kind. In addition to this land tax there was a capitation tax
on every branch of commercial industry, and "free
gifts" were exacted from the cities and provinces on the
occasion of any joyous event in the family of the emperor. The
peculiar "free gift" of the senate of Rome amounted to
some £320,000.
Constantine celebrated the twentieth year of his reign at Rome in
the year 326. The glory of his triumph was marred by the
execution, or murder, of his son Crispus, whom he suspected of a
conspiracy, and the reputation of the emperor who established the
Christian religion in the Roman world was further stained by the
death of his second wife, Fausta. With a successful war against
the Goths in 331, and the expulsion of the Sarmatians in 334, his
reign closed. He died at Nicomedia on May 22, 337.
II: The Division of East and West
The unity of the empire was again destroyed by the three sons of
Constantine. A massacre of their kinsmen preceded the separation
of the Roman world between Constantius, Constans, and
Constantine. Within three years, civil war eliminated
Constantine. The conflict among the emperors resulted in a
doubtful war with Persia, and the almost complete extinction of
the Christian monarchy which had been founded for fifty-six years
in Armenia.
Constantius was left sole emperor in 353. He associated with
himself successively as Cæsars the two nephews of the great
Constantine, Gallus and Julian. The first, being suspected, was
destroyed in 354; the second succeeded to the purple in 361.
Trained in the school of the philosophers, and proved as a
commander in a series of successful campaigns against the German
hordes, Julian brought to the throne a genius which, in other
times, might have effected the reformation of the empire. The
sufferings of his youth had associated in a mind susceptible of
the most lively impressions the names of Christ and of
Constantius, the ideas of slavery and religion. At the age of
twenty he renounced the Christian faith, and boldly asserted the
doctrines of paganism. His accession to the supreme power filled
the minds of the Christians with horror and indignation. But
instructed by history and reflection, Julian extended to all the
inhabitants of the Roman world the benefits of a free and equal
toleration, and the only hardship which he inflicted on the
Christians was to deprive them of the power of tormenting their
fellow subjects, whom they stigmatised with the odious titles of
idolaters and heretics.
While re-establishing and reforming the old pagan system and
attempting to subvert Christianity, he held out a hand of succour
to the persecuted Jews, asked to be permitted to pay his grateful
vows in the holy city of Jerusalem, and was only prevented from
rebuilding the Temple by a supposed preternatural interference.
He suppressed the authority of George, Archbishop of Alexandria,
who had infamously persecuted and betrayed the people under his
spiritual care, and that odious priest, who has been transformed
by superstition into the renowned St. George of England, the
patron of arms, of chivalry, and of the Garter, fell a victim to
the just resentment of the Alexandrian multitude.
The Persian system of monarchy, introduced by Diocletian, was
distasteful to the philosophic mind of Julian; he refused the
title of lord and master, and attempted to restore in all its
pristine simplicity the ancient government of the republic. In a
campaign against the Persians he received a mortal wound, and
died on June 26, 363.
The election of Jovian, the first of the domestics, by the
acclamation of the soldiers, resulted in a disgraceful peace with
the Persians, which aroused the anger and indignation of the
Roman world, and the new emperor hardly survived this act of
weakness for nine months (February 17, 364). The throne of the
Roman world remained ten days without a master. At the end of
that period the civil and military powers of the empire solemnly
elected Valentinian as emperor at Nice in Bithynia.
The new Augustus divided the vast empire with his brother Valens,
and this division marked the final separation of the western and
eastern empires. This arrangement continued, until the death of
Valentinian in 375, when the western empire was divided between
his sons, Gratian and Valentinian II.
His reign had been notable for the stemming of the invasion of
the Alemanni of Gaul, the incursions of the Burgundians and the
Saxons, the restoration of Britain from the attacks of the Picts
and Scots, the recovery of Africa by the emperor's general,
Theodosius, and the diplomatic settlement with the approaching
hordes of the Goths, who already swarmed upon the frontiers of
the empire.
Under the three emperors the Roman world began to feel more
severely the gradual pressure exerted by the hordes of barbarians
that moved westward. In 376 the Goths, pursued by the Huns, who
had come from the steppes of China into Europe, sought the
protection of Valens, who succoured them by transporting them
over the Danube into Roman territory. They repaid his clemency by
uniting their arms with those of the Huns, and defeating and
killing him at the battle of Hadrianople in 378.
To save the provinces from the ravages of the barbarians, Gratian
appointed Theodosius, son of his father's general, emperor of the
East, and the wisdom of his choice was justified by the success
of one who added a new lustre to the title of Augustus. By
prudent strategy, Theodosius divided and defeated the Goths, and
compelled them to submit.
The sons of Theodosius, Arcadius and Honorius succeeded
respectively to the government of the East and the West in 395.
The symptoms of decay, which not even the wise rule of Theodosius
had been able to remove, had grown more alarming. The luxury of
the Romans was more shameless and dissolute, and as the
increasing depredations of the barbarians had checked industry
and diminished wealth, this profuse luxury must have been the
result of that indolent despair which enjoys the present hour and
declines the thoughts of futurity.
The secret and destructive poison of the age had affected the
camps of the legions. The infantry had laid aside their armour,
and, discarding their shields, advanced, trembling, to meet the
cavalry of the Goths and the arrows of the barbarians, who easily
overwhelmed the naked soldiers, no longer deserving the name of
Romans. The enervated legionaries abandoned their own and the
public defence, and their pusillanimous indolence may be
considered the immediate cause of the downfall of the empire.
III: Ruin by Goth, Vandal, and Hun
The genius of Rome expired with Theodosius. His sons within three
months had once more sharply divided the empire. At a time when
the only hope of delaying its ruin depended on the firm union of
the two sections, the subject of Arcadius and Honorius were
instructed by their respective masters to view each other in a
hostile light, to rejoice in their mutual calamity, and to
embrace as their faithful allies the barbarians, whom they
incited to invade the territories of their countrymen.
Alarmed at the insecurity of Rome, Honorius about this time fixed
the imperial residence within the naturally fortified city of
Ravenna--an example which was afterwards imitated by his feeble
successors, the Gothic kings and the Exarchs; and till the middle
of the eighth century Ravenna was considered as the seat of
government and the capital of Italy.
The reign of Arcadius in the East marked the complete division of
the Roman world. His subjects assumed the language and manners of
Greeks, and his form of government was a pure and simple
monarchy. The name of the Roman republic, which so long preserved
a faint tradition of freedom, was confined to the Latin
provinces. A series of internal disputes, both civil and
religious, marked his career of power, and his reign may be
regarded as notable if only for the election of St. John
Chrysostom to the head of the church of Constantinople. Arcadius
died in May 408, and was succeeded by his supposed son,
Theodosius, then a boy of seven, the reins of power being first
held by the prefect Anthemius, and afterwards by his sister
Pulcheria, who governed the eastern empire--in fact, for nearly
forty years.
The wisdom of Honorius, emperor of the West, in removing his
capital to Ravenna, was soon justified by events. Alaric, king of
the Goths, advanced in 408 to the gates of Rome, and completely
blockaded the city. In the course of a long siege, thousands of
Romans died of plague and famine, and only a heavy ransom,
amounting to £1,575,000, relieved the citizens from their
terrible situation in the year 409. In the same year Alaric again
besieged Rome, after fruitless negotiations with Honorius, and
his attempt once more proving successful, he created Attilus,
prefect of the city, emperor. But the imprudent measures of his
puppet sovereign exasperated Alaric. Attilus was formally deposed
in 410, and the infuriated Goth besieged and sacked Rome, and
ravaged Italy. The spoil that the barbarians carried away with
them comprised nearly all the movable wealth of the city.
The ancient capital was devastated, the exquisite works of art
destroyed, and nearly all the monuments of a glorious past
sacrificed to the insatiate greed of the conquerors. Fire helped
to complete the ruin wrought by the Goths, and it is not easy to
compute the multitude of citizens who, from an honourable station
and a prosperous fortune, were suddenly reduced to the miserable
condition of captives and exiles.
The complete ruin of Italy was prevented by the death of Alaric
in 410.
During the reign of Honorius, the Goths, Burgundians, and Franks
were settled in Gaul. The maritime countries, between the Seine
and the Loire, followed the example of Britain in 409, and threw
off the yoke of the empire. Aquitaine, with its capital at Aries,
received, under the title of the seven provinces, the right of
convening an annual assembly for the management of its own
affairs.
Honorius died in 423, and was succeeded by Valentinian III. His
long reign was marked by a series of disasters, which foretold
the rapidly approaching dissolution of the western empire.
Genseric, king of the Vandals, in 429 crossed into Africa,
conquered the province, and set up in the depopulated territory,
with Carthage as his capital, a new rule and government. Italy
was filled with fugitives from Africa, and a barbarian race,
which had issued from the frozen regions of the north,
established their victorious reign over one of the fairest
provinces of the empire. Two years later, in 441, a new and even
more terrible danger threatened the empire.
The Goths and Vandals, flying before the Huns, had oppressed the
western World. The hordes of these barbarians, now gathering
strength in their union under their king, Attila, threatened an
attack upon the eastern empire. In appearance their chieftain was
terrible in the extreme; his portrait exhibits the genuine
deformity of a modern Calmuck: a large head, a swarthy
complexion, small, deep-seated eyes, a flat nose, a few hairs in
the place of a beard, broad shoulders, and a short, square body
of nervous strength, though of a disproportionate form. He had a
custom of fiercely rolling his eyes, as if he wished to enjoy the
terror which he inspired.
This savage hero, who had subdued Germany and Scythia, and almost
exterminated the Burgundians of the Rhine, and had conquered
Scandinavia, was able to bring into the field 700,000 barbarians.
An unsuccessful raid into Persia induced him to turn his
attention to the eastern empire, and the enervated troops of
Theodosius the Younger dissolved before the fury of his onset. He
ravaged up to the very gates of Constantinople, and only a
humiliating treaty preserved his dominion to the "invincible
Augustus" of the East.
After the death of Theodosius the Younger, and the accession of
Marcian, the husband of Pulcheria, Attila threatened, in 450,
both empires. An incursion of his hordes into Gaul was rendered
abortive by the conduct of the patrician, Ætius, who, uniting
all the various troops of Gaul and Germany, the Saxons, the
Burgundians, the Franks, under their Merovingian prince, and the
Visigoths under their king, Theodoric, after two important
battles, induced the Huns to retreat from the field of Chalons.
Attila, diverted from his purpose, turned into Italy, and the
citizens of the various towns fled before the savage destroyer.
Many families of Aquileia, Padua, and the adjacent towns, found a
safe refuge in the neighbouring islands of the Adriatic, where
their place of refuge evolved, in time, into the famous Republic
of Venice.
Valentinian fled from Ravenna to Rome, prepared to desert his
people and his empire. The fortitude of Ætius alone supported
and preserved the tottering state. Leo, Bishop of Rome, in his
sacerdotal robes, dared to demand the clemency of the savage
king, and the intervention of St. Peter and St. Paul is supposed
to have induced Attila to retire beyond the Danube, with the
Princess Honoria as his bride. He did not long survive this last
campaign, and in 453 he died, and was buried amidst all the
savage pomp and grief of his subjects. His death resolved the
bonds that had united the various nations of which his subjects
were composed, and in a very few years domestic discord had
extinguished the empire of the Huns.
Genseric, king of the Vandals, sacked and pillaged the ancient
capital in June 455.
The vacant throne was filled by the nomination of Theodoric, king
of the Goths. The senate of Rome bitterly opposed the elevation
of this stranger, and though Avitus might have supported his
title against the votes of an unarmed assembly, he fell
immediately he incurred the resentment of Count Ricimer, one of
the chief commanders of the barbarian troops who formed the
military defence of Italy. At a distance from his Gothic allies,
he was compelled to abdicate (October 16, 456), and Majorian was
raised to fill his place.
IV: The Last Emperor of the West
The successor of Avitus was a great and heroic character, such as
sometimes arise in a degenerate age to vindicate the honour of
the human species. In the ruin of the Roman world he loved his
people, sympathised with their distress, and studied by judicial
and effectual remedies to allay their sufferings. He reformed the
most intolerable grievances of the taxes, attempted to restore
and maintain the edifices of Rome, and to establish a new and
healthier moral code. His military abilities and his fortune were
not in proportion to his merits. An unsuccessful attempt against
the Vandals to recover the lost provinces of Africa resulted in
the loss of his fleet, and his return from this disastrous
campaign terminated his reign. He was deposed by Ricimer, and
five days later died of a reported dysentery, on August 7, 461.
At the command of Ricimer, the senate bestowed the imperial title
on Libius Severus, who reigned as long as it suited his patron.
The increasing difficulties, however, of the kingdom of Italy,
due largely to the naval depredation of the Vandals, compelled
Ricimer to seek the assistance of the emperor Leo, who had
succeeded Marcian in the East in 457. Leo determined to extirpate
the tyranny of the Vandals, and solemnly invested Anthemius with
the diadem and purple of the West (467).
In 472, Ricimer raised the senator Olybrius to the purple, and,
advancing from Milan, entered and sacked Rome and murdered
Anthemius (July 11, 472). Forty days after this calamitous event,
the tyrant Ricimer died of a painful disease, and two months
later death also removed Olybrius.
The emperor Leo nominated Julius Nepos to the vacant throne.
After suppressing a rival in the person of Glycerius, Julius
succumbed, in 475, to a furious sedition of the barbarian
confederates, who, under the command of the patrician Orestes,
marched from Rome to Ravenna. The troops would have made Orestes
emperor, but when he declined they consented to acknowledge his
son Augustulus as emperor of the West.
The ambition of the patrician might have seemed satisfied, but he
soon discovered, before the end of the first year, that he must
either be the slave or the victim of his barbarian mercenaries.
The soldiers demanded a third part of the land of Italy. Orestes
rejected the audacious demand, and his refusal was favourable to
the ambition of Odoacer, a bold barbarian, who assured his
fellow-soldiers that if they dared to associate under his command
they might extort the justice that had been denied to their
dutiful petition. Orestes was executed, and Odoacer, resolving to
abolish the useless and expensive office of the emperor of the
West, compelled the unfortunate Augustulus to resign.
So ended, in the year 476, the empire of the West, and the last
Roman emperor lived out his life in retirement in the Lucullan
villa on the promontory of Misenum.
PART III
I: The Growth of the Christian Church
The policy of the emperors and the senate, as far as it concerned
religion, was happily seconded by the reflections of the
enlightened, and by the habits of the superstitious part of their
subjects. The various modes of worship which prevailed in the
Roman world were all considered by the people as equally true; by
the philosopher as equally false; by the magistrate as equally
useful. Under this spirit of toleration the Christian church grew
with great rapidity. Five main causes effectually favoured and
assisted this development.
1. The inflexible and intolerant zeal of the Christians, purified
from the narrow and unsocial spirit of the Jewish religion.
2. The doctrine of a future life, improved by every additional
circumstance which could give weight and efficacy to that
important theory.
3. The miraculous powers ascribed to the primitive Church.
4. The pure and austere morals of the early Christians.
5. The union and discipline of the Christian republic, which
gradually formed an independent and increasing state in the heart
of the Roman Empire.
The early Christians of the mother church at Jerusalem subscribed
to the Mosaic law, and the first fifteen bishops of Jerusalem
were all circumcised Jews. But the Gentile church rejected the
intolerable weight of Mosaic ceremonies, and at length refused to
their more scrupulous brethren the same toleration which at first
they had humbly solicited for their own practise. After the ruin
of the temple of the city, and of the public religion of the
Jews, the Nazarenes, as the Christian Jews of Jerusalem were
called, retired to the little town of Pella, from whence they
could make easy and frequent pilgrimages to the Holy City. When
the Emperor Hadrian forbade the Jewish people from approaching
the precincts of the city, the Nazarenes escaped from the common
proscription by disavowing the Mosaic law. A small remnant,
however, still combined the Mosaic ceremonies with the Christian
faith, and existed, until the fourth century, under the name of
Ebeonites.
The immortality of the soul had been held by a few sages of
Greece and Rome, who were unwilling to confound themselves with
the beasts of the field, or to suppose that a being for whose
dignity they entertained the most sincere admiration could be
limited to a spot of earth, and to a few years of duration. But
reason could not justify the specious and noble principles of the
disciples of Plato.
To the Christians alone the authority of Christ gave a certainty
of a future life, and when the promise of eternal happiness was
proposed to mankind on condition of adopting the faith, and of
observing the precepts of the Gospel, it is no wonder that so
advantageous an offer should have been accepted by great numbers
of every religion, of every rank, and of every province in the
Roman Empire. The immediate expectation of the second coming of
Christ, and the reign of the Son of God with His saints for a
thousand years, strengthened the ancient Christians against all
trials and sufferings.
The supernatural gifts which even in this life were ascribed to
the Christians above the rest of mankind must have conduced to
their own comfort, and very frequently to the conviction of
infidels. The gift of tongues, of vision, and of prophecy, the
power of expelling demons, of healing the sick, and of raising
the dead, were prodigies claimed by the Christian Church at the
time of the apostles and their first disciples.
Repentance for their past sins, and the laudable desire of
supporting the reputation of the society in which they were
engaged, rendered the lives of the primitive Christians much
purer and more austere than those of their pagan contemporaries
or their degenerate successors. They were insistent in their
condemnation of pleasure and luxury, and, in their search after
purity, were induced to approve reluctantly that institution of
marriage which they were compelled to tolerate. A state of
celibacy was regarded as the nearest approach to the divine
perfection, and there were in the primitive church a great number
of persons devoted to the profession of perpetual chastity.
The government of the primitive church was based on the
principles of freedom and equality. The societies which were
instituted in the cities of the Roman Empire were united only by
the ties of faith and charity. The want of discipline and human
learning was supplied by the occasional assistance of the
"prophets "--men or women who, as often as they felt
the divine impulse, poured forth the effusions of the spirit in
the assembly, of the faithful. In the course of time bishops and
presbyters exercised solely the functions of legislation and
spiritual guidance. A hundred years after the death of the
apostles, the bishop, acting as the president of the presbyterial
college, administered the sacrament and discipline of the Church,
managed the public funds, and determined all such differences as
the faithful were unwilling to expose before the tribunal of an
idolatrous judge.
Every society formed within itself a separate and independent
republic, and towards the end of the second century, realizing
the advantages that might result from a closer union of their
interests and designs, these little states adopted the useful
institution of a provincial synod. The bishops of the various
churches met in the capital of the province at stated periods,
and issued their decrees or canons. The institution of synods was
so well suited to private ambition and to public interest that it
was received throughout the whole empire. A regular
correspondence was established between the provincial councils,
which mutually communicated and approved their respective
proceedings, and the Catholic Church soon assumed the form and
acquired the strength of a great federative republic.
The community of goods which for a short time had been adopted in
the primitive church was gradually abolished, and a system of
voluntary gifts was substituted. In the time of the Emperor
Decius it was the opinion of the magistrates that the Christians
of Rome were possessed of very considerable wealth, and several
laws, enacted with the same design as our statutes of mortmain,
forbade real estate being given or bequeathed to any corporate
body, without special sanctions. The bishops distributed these
revenues, exercised the right of exclusion or excommunication of
recalcitrant members of the Church, and maintained the dignity of
their office with ever increasing pomp and circumstance.
II: The Days of Persecution
The persecution of Christians by the Roman emperors must at first
sight seem strange, when one considers their inoffensive mode of
faith and worship. When one remembers the scepticism that
prevailed among the pagans, and the tolerant view of all
religions which was characteristic of the Roman citizen in the
early years of the empire, this harshness seems all the more
remarkable. It can be explained partly by the misapprehension
which existed in the mind of the pagan world as to the principles
of the Christian faith, and partly by the organization of the
sect. The Jews were allowed the exercise of their unsocial and
exclusive faith. But the Jews were a nation; the Christians were
a sect. Moreover, the Christians were regarded as apostates from
the ancient faith of Moses, and, worshipping no visible god, were
held to be atheists.
The Roman policy also viewed with the utmost jealousy and
distrust any association among its subjects, and the secret and
nocturnal meetings of the Christians appeared peculiarly
dangerous in the eyes of the law.
They were oppressed by the Emperor Domitian. Trajan protected
their meetings by requiring definite evidence of these illegal
assemblies, and an informer who failed in his proofs was subject
to a severe or capital penalty. But the edicts of Hadrian and
Antoninus Pius protected the Church from the danger of popular
clamour in times of disaster, declaring that the voice of the
multitude should never be admitted as legal evidence to convict
or to punish those unfortunate persons who had embraced the
enthusiasm of the Christians.
The authority of Origen and Dionysius annihilates that formidable
army of martyrs, whose relics, drawn for the most part from the
catacombs of Rome, have replenished so many churches, and whose
marvellous achievements have been the subject of so many volumes
of holy romance.
The martyrdom of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, on September 14,
258, was one of the most notable of that period. Under Marcus
Antoninus, the Christians were treated harshly, but the tyrant
Commodus protected them by his leniency. After a temporary period
of persecution during the reign of Severus, the Christians
enjoyed a calm from 211 to 249. The storms gathered again under
Decius, and so vigorous was the persecution that the bishops of
the most considerable cities were removed by exile or death.
III: The Church under Constantine
From 284 to 303, during the reign of Diocletian, the Christian
Church enjoyed peace and prosperity, but in the latter year
Galerius persuaded the emperor to renew the persecution of the
sect. An edict on February 24 enacted that all churches
throughout the empire should be demolished, and the punishment of
death was pronounced against all who should presume to hold any
secret assemblies for the purposes of religious worship. Many
suffered martyrdom under this cruel enactment. Churches
everywhere were burnt, and sacred books destroyed. Three more
edicts published before March 304 led to the imprisonment of all
persons of the ecclesiastical order, compelled the magistrates to
exercise torture to subvert the religion of their Christian
prisoners, and made it the duty, as well as the interest, of the
imperial officers to discover, to pursue, and to torment the most
obnoxious among the faithful.
But after six years of persecution, the mind of Galerius,
softened by salutary reflection, induced him to attempt some
reparation. In the edict of toleration which he published on
April 30, 311, he expresses the hope "that our indulgence
will engage the Christians to offer up their prayers to the Deity
whom they adore for our safety and prosperity, and for that of
the Republic."
The triumph of the great Constantine established the security of
the Christian Church from the attacks of the pagans. Converted in
306, Constantine, as soon as he had achieved the conquest of
Italy, issued the Edict of Milan (313), declaring that the places
of worship which had been confiscated should be restored to the
Church without dispute, without delay, and without expense.
Though himself never received by baptism into the Church, until
his last moments, his powerful patronage of the Christians, and
his edicts of toleration, removed all the temporal disadvantages
which had hitherto retarded the progress of Christianity.
The faith of Christ became the national religion of the empire.
The soldiers bore upon their helmets and upon their shields the
sacred emblem of the Cross. All the machinery of government was
employed to propagate the faith, not only within the empire, but
beyond its borders. Confirmed in his new religion by the
miraculous vision of the Cross, Constantine, who was the master
of the world, consented to recognise the superiority of the
ecclesiastical orders in all spiritual matters, while retaining
himself the temporal power.
The persecution of heresy was carried out by Constantine with all
the ardour of a convert. An edict confiscated the public property
of the heretics to the use either of the revenue or the Catholic
Church, and the penal regulations of Diocletian against the
Christians were now employed against the schismatics. The
Donatists, who maintained the apostolic succession of Donatus,
primate of Carthage, as opposed to Cæcilian, were suppressed in
Africa, and a general synod attempted to regulate the faith of
the Church.
The subject of the nature of the divine Trinity had early given
rise to discussion. Of the three main heretical views, that of
Arius and his disciples was the most prevalent. He held in effect
that the Son, by whom all things were made, though He had been
begotten before all worlds, yet had not always existed. He shone
only with the reflected light of His Almighty Father, and, like
the sons of the Roman emperors, who were invested with the titles
of Cæsar or Augustus. He governed the universe.
The Tritheists advocated a system which seemed to establish three
independent deities, while the Sabellian theory allowed only to
the man Jesus the inspiration of the divine wisdom. The
consubstantiality of the Father and of the Son had been
established by the Council of Nicæa in 325, but the East ranged
itself for the most part under the banner of the Arian heresy. At
first indifferent, Constantine at last persecuted the Arians, who
later, under Constantius, were received into favour.
Constantinople, which for forty years was the stronghold of
Arianism, was converted to the orthodox faith under Theodosius by
Gregory Nazianzen.
IV: The Conversion of the World
The pagan religion was finally destroyed about the year 390, and
the faintest vestiges of it were not visible thirty years later.
Its influence, however, might be observed in many of the
ceremonies which were introduced into the Church, and the worship
of martyrs and relics seemed to revive a system of polytheism by
the worship of a hierarchy of saints. Among the most famous of
the dignitaries of the Church at this period was the Archbishop
of Constantinople, who was distinguished by the epithet of
Chrysostom, or the Golden Mouth. He attempted to purify the
eastern empire, excited the animosity of the Empress Eudoxia, and
died in exile in 407.
The monastic system had been founded by Antony, an illiterate
youth, in the year 305, by the establishment on Mount Cobyim,
near the Red Sea, of a colony of ascetics, who renounced all the
business and pleasures in life as the price of eternal happiness.
A long series of hermits, monks, and anachorets propagated the
system and, patronised by Athanasius, it spread to all parts of
the world.
The monastic profession was an act of voluntary devotion, and the
inconstant fanatic was threatened with the eternal vengeance of
the God whom he deserted. The monks had to give a blind
submission to the commands of their abbot, however absurd, and
the freedom of the mind, the source of every generous and
rational sentiment, was destroyed by the habits of credulity and
submission. In their dress and diet they preserved the most
rigorous simplicity, and they subsisted entirely by their own
manual exertions. But in the course of time this simplicity
vanished, and, enriched by the offerings of the faithful, they
assumed the pride of wealth, and at last indulged in the luxury
of extravagance.
The conversion of the barbarians followed upon their invasion of
the Roman world; but they were involved in the Arian heresy, and
from their advocacy of that cause they were characterised by the
name of heretics, an epithet more odious than that of barbarian.
The bitterness engendered by this reproach confirmed them in
their faith, and the Vandals in Africa persecuted the orthodox
Catholic with all the vigour and cruel arts of religious tyranny.
PART IV
I: Theodoric the Ostrogoth
After the fall of the Roman Empire in the West, an interval of
fifty years, until the memorable reign of Justinian, is faintly
marked by the obscure names and imperfect annals of Zeno,
Anastasius, and Justin, who successively ascended the throne of
Constantinople. During the same period Italy revived and
nourished under the government of a Gothic king, who might have
deserved a statue among the best and bravest of the ancient
Romans.
Theodoric the Ostrogoth, the fourteenth in lineal descent of
royal line of the Amali, was born (455) in the neighbourhood of
Vienna two years after the death of Attila. The murmurs of the
Goths, who complained that they were exposed to intolerable
hardships, determined Theodoric to attempt an adventure worthy of
his courage and ambition. He boldly demanded the privilege of
rescuing Italy and Rome from Odoacer, and at the head of his
people forced his way, between the years 488 and 489, through
hostile country into Italy. In three battles he triumphed over
Odoacer, forced that monarch to capitulate on favourable terms at
Ravenna (493), and after pretending to allow him to share his
sovereignty of Italy, assassinated him in the same year.
The long reign of Theodoric (493-526) was marked by a transient
return of peace and prosperity to Italy. His domestic and foreign
policy were dictated alike by wisdom and necessity. His people
were settled on the land, which they held by military tenure. A
series of matrimonial alliances secured him the support of the
Franks, the Burgundians, the Visigoths, the Vandals, and the
Thuringians, and his sword preserved his territory from the
incursions of rival barbarians and the two disastrous attacks
(505 and 508) that envy prompted the Emperor Anastasius to
attempt.
II: Justinian the Great
The death of the Emperor Anastasius had raised to the throne a
Dardanian peasant, who by his arts secured the suffrage of the
guards, despoiled and destroyed his more powerful rivals, and
reigned under the name of Justin I. from 518 to 527. He was
succeeded by his nephew, the great Justinian, who for
thirty-eight years directed the fortunes of the Roman Empire.
The Empress Theodora, who before her marriage had been a
theatrical wanton, was seated, by the fondness of the emperor, on
the throne as an equal and independent colleague in the
sovereignty. Her rapacity, her cruelty, and her pride were the
subject of contemporary writings, but her benevolence to her less
fortunate sisters, and her courage amidst the factions and
dangers of the court, justly entitle her to a certain nobility of
character.
Constantinople in the age of Justinian was torn by the factions
of the circus. The rival bands of charioteers, who wore
respectively liveries of green and blue, created in the capital
of the East, as they had created in Rome, two factions among the
populace. Justinian's support of the blues led to a serious
sedition in the capital. The two factions were united by a common
desire for vengeance, and with the watchword of "Nika"
(vanquish) (January 532), raged in tumult through Constantinople
for five days. At the command of Theodora 3,000 veterans who
could be trusted marched through the burning streets to the
Hippodrome, and there, supported by the repentant blues,
massacred the unresisting mob.
The Eastern Empire, after Rome was barbarous, still embraced the
nations whom she had conquered beyond the Adriatic, and as far as
the frontiers of Ethiopia and Persia. Justinian reigned over 64
provinces and 935 cities. The arts and agriculture flourished
under his rule, but the avarice and profusion of Justinian
oppressed the people. His expensive taste for building almost
exhausted the resources of the empire. Heavy custom tolls, taxes
on the food and industry of the poor, the exercise of intolerable
monopolies, were not excused or compensated for by the
parsimonious saving in the salaries of court officials, and even
in the pay of the soldiers. His stately edifices were cemented
with the blood and treasures of his people, and the rapacity and
luxury of the emperor were imitated by the civil magistrates and
officials.
The schools of Athens, which still kept alight the sacred flame
of the ancient philosophy, were suppressed by Justinian. The
academy of the Platonics, the Lyceum of the Peripatetics, the
Portico of the Stoics, and the Garden of the Epicureans had long
survived.
With the death of Simplicius and his six companions, who
terminate the long list of Grecian philosophers, the golden
chain, as it was fondly styled, of the Platonic succession was
broken, and the Edict of Justinian (529) imposed a perpetual
silence on the schools of Athens.
The Roman consulship was also abolished by Justinian in 541; but
this office, the title of which admonished the Romans of their
ancient freedom, still lived in the minds of the people. They
applauded the gracious condescension of successive princes by
whom it was assumed in the first year of their reign, and three
centuries elapsed after the death of Justinian before that
obsolete office, which had been suppressed by law, could be
abolished by custom.
The usurpation by Gelimer (530) of the Vandalic crown of Africa,
which belonged of right to Hilderic, first encouraged Justinian
to undertake the African war. Hilderic had granted toleration to
the Catholics, and for this reason was held in reproach by his
Arian subjects. His compulsory abdication afforded the emperor of
the East an opportunity of interfering in the cause of orthodoxy.
A large army was entrusted to the command of Belisarius, one of
those heroic names which are familiar to every age and to every
nation. Proved in the Persian war, Belisarius was given unlimited
authority. He set sail from Constantinople with a fleet of six
hundred ships in June 533. He landed on the coast of Africa in
September, defeated the degenerate Vandals, reduced Carthage
within a few days, utterly vanquished Gelimer, and completed the
conquest of the ancient Roman province by 534. The Vandals in
Africa fled beyond the power or even the knowledge of the Romans.
III: Gothic Italy
Dissensions in Italy excited the ambition of Justinian.
Belisarius was sent with another army to Sicily in 535, and after
subduing that island and suppressing a revolt in Africa, he
invaded Italy in 536. Policy dictated the retreat of the Goths,
and Belisarius entered Rome (December 536). In March, Vitiges,
the Gothic ruler, returned with a force of one hundred and fifty
thousand men. The valour of the Roman general supported a siege
of forty-one days and the intrigues of the Pope Silverius, who
was exiled by his orders; and, finally, with the assistance of a
seasonable reinforcement, Belisarius compelled the barbarians to
retire in March of the following year. The conquests of Ravenna
and the suppression of the invasion of the Franks completed the
subjugation of the Gothic kingdom by December 539.
The success of Belisarius and the intrigues of his secret enemies
had excited the jealousy of Justinian. He was recalled, and the
eunuch Narses was sent to Italy, as a powerful rival, to oppose
the interests of the conqueror of Rome and Africa. The infidelity
of Antonina, which excited her husband's just indignation, was
excused by the Empress Theodora, and her powerful support was
given to the wife of the last of the Roman heroes, who, after
serving again against the Persians, returned to the capital, to
be received not with honour and triumph, but with disgrace and
contempt and a fine of £600,000.
The incursions of the Lombards, the Slavonians, and the Avars and
the Turks, and the successful raids of the King of Persia were
among the number of the important events of the reign of
Justinian. To maintain his position in Africa and Italy taxed his
resources to their utmost limit. The victories of Justinian were
pernicious to mankind; the desolation of Africa was such that in
many parts a stranger might wander whole days without meeting the
face of either a friend or an enemy.
The revolts of the Goths, under their king, Totila (541), once
more demanded the presence of Belisarius, and, a hero on the
banks of the Euphrates, a slave in the palace of Constantinople,
he accepted with reluctance the painful task of supporting his
own reputation and retrieving the faults of his successors. He
was too late to save Rome from the Goths, by whom it was taken in
December 546; but he recovered it in the following February.
After his recall by his envious sovereign in September 548, Rome
was once more taken by the Goths. The successful repulse of the
Franks and Alemanni finally restored the kingdom to the rule of
the emperor. Belisarius died on March 13, 565.
The emperor survived his death only eight months, and passed
away, in the eighty-third year of his life and the thirty-eighth
of his reign, on November 14, 565. The most lasting memorial of
his reign is to be found neither in his victories nor his
monuments, but in the immortal works of the Code, the Pandects,
and the Institutes, in which the civil jurisprudence of the
Romans was digested, and by means of which the public reason of
the Romans has been silently or studiously transfused into the
domestic institutions of the whole of Europe.
IV: Gregory the Great
Justinian was succeeded by his nephew, Justin II., who lived to
see the conquest of the greater part of Italy by Alboin, king of
the Lombards (568-570), the disaffection of the exarch, Narses,
and the ruin of the revived glories of the Roman world.
During a period of 200 years Italy was unequally divided between
the king of the Lombards and the exarchate of Ravenna. Rome
relapsed into a state of misery. The Campania was reduced to the
state of a dreary wilderness. The stagnation of a deluge caused
by the torrential swelling of the Tiber produced a pestilential
disease, and a stranger visiting Rome might contemplate with
horror the solitude of the city. Gregory the Great, whose
pontificate lasted from 590 to 604, reconciled the Arians of
Italy and Spain to the Catholic Church, conquered Britain in the
name of the Cross, and established his right to interfere in the
management of the episcopal provinces of Greece, Spain, and Gaul.
The merits of Gregory were treated by the Byzantine court with
reproach and insult, but in the attachment of a grateful people
he found the purest reward of a citizen and the best right of a
sovereign.
The short and virtuous reign of Tiberius (578-582), which
succeeded that of Justin, made way for that of Maurice. For
twenty years Maurice ruled with honesty and honour. But the
parsimony of the emperor, and his attempt to cure the inveterate
evil of a military despotism, led to his undoing, and in 602 he
was murdered with his children. A like fate befell the Emperor
Phocas, who succumbed in 610 to the fortunes of Heraclius, the
son of Crispus, exarch of Africa. For thirty-two years Heraclius
ruled the Roman world. In three campaigns he chastised the rising
power of Persia, drove the armies of Chosroes from Syria,
Palestine, and Egypt, rescued Constantinople from the joint siege
of the Avars and Persians (626), and finally reduced the Persian
monarch to the defence of his hereditary kingdom. The deposition
and murder of Chosroes by his son Siroes (628) concluded the
successes of the emperor.
A treaty of peace was arranged, and Heraclius returned in triumph
to Constantinople, where, after the exploits of six glorious
campaigns, he peacefully enjoyed the sabbath of his toils. The
year after his return he made the pilgrimage to Jerusalem to
restore the true Cross to the Holy Sepulchre. In the last eight
years of his reign Heraclius lost to the Arabs the same provinces
which he had rescued from the Persians.
Heraclius died in 612. His descendants continued to fill the
throne in the persons of Constantine III. (641), Heracleonas
(641), Constans II. (641), Constantine IV. (668), Justinian II.
(685), until 711, when an interval of six years, divided into
three reigns, made way for the rise of the Isaurian dynasty.
V: The New Era of Charlemagne
Leo III. ascended the throne on March 25, 718, and the purple
descended to his family, by the rights of heredity, for three
generations. The Isaurian dynasty is most notable for the part it
played in ecclesiastical history.
The introduction of images into the Christian Church had confused
the simplicity of religious worship. The education of Leo, his
reason, perhaps his intercourse with Jews and Arabs, had inspired
him with a hatred of images. By two edicts he proscribed the
existence, as well as the use, of religious pictures. This heresy
of Leo and of his successors and descendants, Constantine V.
(741), Leo IV. (775), and Constantine VI. (780), whose blinding
by his mother Irene is one of the most tragic stories of Roman
history, justified the popes in rebelling against the authority
of the emperor, and in restoring and establishing the supremacy
of Rome.
Gregory II. saved the city from the attacks of the Lombards, who
had seized Ravenna and extinguished the series of Greek exarchs
in 751. He secured the assistance of Pepin, and the real governor
of the French monarchy--Charles Martel, who, by his signal
victory over the Saracens, had saved Europe from the Mohammedan
yoke. Twice--in 754 and 756--Pepin marched to the relief of the
city. His son Charlemagne, in 774, seemed to secure the permanent
safety of the ancient capital by the conquest of Lombardy, and
for twenty-six years he ruled the Romans as his subjects. The
people swore allegiance to his person and his family, and the
elections of the popes were examined and authorised by him. The
senate exercised its rights by proclaiming him patrician and of
the power of the emperor; nothing was lacking except the title.
A document, known as the Forged Decretals, which assigned the
free and perpetual sovereignty of Rome, Italy, and the provinces
of the West to the popes by Constantine, was presented by Pope
Hadrian I. to Charlemagne. This document served to absolve the
popes from their debt of gratitude to the French monarch, and
excused the revolt of Rome from the authority of the eastern
empire.
Though Constantinople returned, under Irene, to the employment of
images, and the seventh general council of Nicæa, September 24,
787, pronounced the worship of the Greeks as agreeable to
scripture and reason, the division between the East and the West
could not be avoided. The pope was driven to revive the western
empire in order to secure the gift of the exarchy, to eradicate
the claims of the Greeks, and to restore the majesty of Rome from
the debasement of a provincial town. The emperors of the West
would receive their crown from the successor of St. Peter, and
the Roman Church would require a zealous and respectable
advocate.
Inspired by these motives, Pope Leo, who had nearly fallen a
victim to a conspiracy (788), and had been saved and reinstated
by Charlemagne, took the opportunity presented by the French
king's visit to Rome to crown him emperor. On the festival of
Christmas (800), in the church of St. Peter, Leo, after the
celebration of the Holy Mysteries, suddenly placed a precious
crown on his head. The dome resounded with the acclamations of
the people, his head and body were consecrated with the royal
unction, and he was saluted, or adored, by the pontiff after the
example of the Cæsars.
Europe dates a new era from his restoration of the western
empire.