In a desparately tight ballot the Conservative Party yesterday elected their most controversial Parliamentarian as their leader. Enoch Powell, man of principle or racist bigot depending whose opinion you seek, came top of the ballot of Conservative MPs by only 19 votes. This speculative step, represents a distinct shift to the Right in the party's political centre of gravity. Most MPs recognised last night that the result of yesterday's ballot has effectively halted the remorseless progress of the Tory Party under successive leaders towards a frankly interventionist role in economic affairs and revived its role as the historic defender of private enterprise and the free market economy.
There was frank astonishment at Westminster when the result of the ballot of Tory MPs was announced. The expectation was that Mr Powell would have been overtaken by the favourite, Mr Reginald Maudling. That Mr Powell had achieved enough votes to win outright and avoid a third ballot was austounding. The voting figures were:
Mr Powell 149
Mr Maudling 130
Mr Prior 17
The voting turnout was 100 per cent. Conservative MPs are nothing if not practical. Within minutes of the announcement and while Labour MPs were claiming that a Powell victory must do good to the Labour Party, Conservative backbenchers and Shadow Ministers were beginning to speculate about the shape of Mr Powell's Shadow Cabinet. Their major concern was the identity of his Shadow Chancellor. Mr Powell offered no help when he appeared at a press conference in the Grand Committee Room off Westminster Hall.
The first name on everyone's lips as a candidate for Shadow Chancellor was that of Sir Keith Joseph, who can expect to be rewarded for publically endorsing Mr Powell, as can Mrs Thatcher. It is debatable whether other possibilities, such as Mr Barber and Mr Robert Carr will even remain in the shadow cabinet. Indeed, Mr Carr was rumoured earlier this week to be in doubt himself about whether he could bring himself to serve in any capacity in a Powell Shadow Cabinet. Mr Quintin Hogg has also apparantly ruled out serving under Mr Powell.
Mr Powell's defeated rivals were quick to declare their loyalty to him. Mr Maudling, who is expected to retain his position as Shadow Home Secretary in the new Shadow Cabinet, and Mr Jim Prior both offered their congratulations and unequivocal pledges of support. In contrast Mr Heath, who made highly critical remarks in regard of Mr Powell during the ballot, made no comment, conspiculously failing to offer his congratulations. Mr Heath's office have made clear that he will not accept a Shadow Cabinet position from Mr Powell.
• William Hill made the Conservatives 2-1 to win the next general election with Labour favourites at 2-5.
From the Telegraph, Tuesday 25 May 1971,
Leader of the Opposition, Mr Enoch Powell yesterday released details of the new Shadow Cabinet. The new shadow Chancellor, as expected by most observers, is Sir Keith Joseph, the former cabinet minister who backed Mr Powell in the second ballot. Mr Reginald Maudling remains Shadow Home Secretary. The former Conservative Spokesman on Colonies under Mr Heath, Mr Angus Maude, is promoted to the position of Shadow Foreign Secretary. Former Shadow Chancellor Mr Anthony Barber becomes Shadow Leader of the Commons, replacing Mr William Whitelaw who replaces Mr Robert Carr at Employment. Mr Carr reportedly refused to serve under Mr Powell.
Two Tory grandees make their return to the front bench. The 78-year old Marquis of Salisbury becomes Leader in the House of Lords, although the announcement that he will be assisted in many day to day duties by Lord Rhyl suggests his position is largely honorific. Lord Thorneycroft, Chancellor of the Exchequer to Mr Harold Macmillan, becomes Chairman of the Conservative Party with a seat in the Shadow Cabinet. It is thought that the recall of Lord Salisbury and Lord Thorneycroft is an attempt to give the Shadow Cabinet some gravitas in the wake of the departure of Sir Alec Douglas-Home, Mr Edward Heath and Mr Quintin Hogg.
The third member of the House of Lords in the Shadow Cabinet is Lord Carrington, who remains as Shadow Secretary of State for Defence.
The second defeated candidate in the leadership election, Mr James Prior, is promoted to the Department of Health and Social Security. Other Shadow posts remain unchanged; Mrs Margaret Thatcher who was tipped my some for promotion, remains at Education. Mr Geoffrey Howe has entered the Shadow Cabinet as the Shadow Secretary of State for Trade.
From "Wasted Opportunities. Britain and the European Union since 1958"
by H.Young (Orion, 1997)
Wilson announced terms for British entry in July 1971, reluctantly accepting the need to introduce of VAT. While the Labour manifesto had promised to oppose the introduction of VAT, negotiations had made it clear that the only way for Britain to join the EEC was to accept it. Once again Britain had lost out by standing on the sidelines when the decisions were being made by others.
Wilson faced opposition from both within and without. The TUC leadership attacked Wilson for backing down over food prices and VAT, although Wilson's decision to inject Government funds to save Upper Clyde Shipbuilders bought him some goodwill from the Trade Union movement. The new Conservative leader, Enoch Powell, was predictably unstinting in his hostility. Wilson's decision though prompted one of the first displays of the crack that would become a split in the Tory Party. It came as no surprise that Heath should congratulate Wilson on agreeing terms, but his attack upon Powell and the Conservative leadership for opposing entry was as uncompromising as the praise he lavished upon Wilson was fullsome.
25th October 1971.
"Prime Minister!"
Harold Wilson rose carefully from his seat and laid his papers gently on the despatch box. "With permission, Mr Speaker, I should like to make a statement on the recent disturbances in British cities. As the House will be aware over the last two rights there have been several instances of violence, in some causes prolonged and severe violence, in Manchester, London and on a smaller scale in Bradford, Leeds and Leicester. At this time our thoughts are primarily with those injured and the families of the four men who have, so tragically, been killed." Wilson paused and looked around the Commons. It was in somber mood, but restless...the Conservative benches seemed caught somewhere between sadness and anticipation. He continued, "However, we must also look carefully at the causes of recent nights events and what we can do to avoid their repetition..."
Powell watched Wilson with gimlet eyes, squashed between Maudling and Airey Neave, the junior shadow spokesman on home affairs, on the front bench. When Wilson finaly finished his platitudes, Powell drew to his feet and rested his hands upon the despatch box, staring like an inquisitor at the Labour MPs opposite. "Mr Speaker," he finally annunciated in his clipped tones. "It defies belief that the Prime Minister should issue a statement upon these tragic events without once mentioning the Race Relation Bill currently before the house. Would it be wrong to surmise that the Prime Minister considers the introduction of the Bill and two days of riots on British streets - and let us not be coy in this House, on those British streets where the immigrant population is largest. Would it be wrong to surmise that the Prime Minister considers there to be no connection between these two events.
"Three years ago I made a speech in Birmingham which the honorable gentleman opposite may recall. I warned him, and those on my own benches, that the course we were headed upon could only lead to disaster. Many found those words offensive. They were not meant to offend, but to speak of a truth that needed, and still needs, to be spoken. I spoke then of violence upon our nation's streets, of simmering resentment amongst our people. There are already forces working against integration of immigrants and the Race Relation Bill can only make those forces stronger. It it those forces that have caused this violence, the fear and abandonment of our people has caused this violence and a government that should be addressing this problem but instead has chosen to turn its face to the wall." Across the floor Labour MPs were bouncing to their feet. "I give way to the honourable member for Poplar."
"Does the right honorable gentleman not accept that speeches that amount to nothing more than racist outpourings have also lead to racist violence?"
Powell stared at Ian Mikardo for a second. "Yes, Mr Speaker. I have no doubt that there are those of a violent disposition who will take some variety of perverse succour from my words. But it is my duty to speak them. I am not speaking for those who wish to commit violence against people who are their fellow subjects, I am speaking of those who live in terror behind locked doors in communities that have been taken over. We cannot, and must not, stand idly by while our country is ripped apart. To do so would be a betrayal of our contituents, of this House and of our country."
The Conservative benches erupted into a fury of "hear! hear!"s and the elated waving of order papers. Wilson's rebuttal was concise and unmemorable - he knew that too much of the core Labour vote agreed in its heart with Powell; Jeremy Thorpe's measured words of calm went almost unheard amongst the rumble from the Tory benches and it was only as Speaker Irving called Quintin Hogg that the noise began to die down.
"Mr Speaker," began the former leader of the House of Lords. "May I first congratulate with Prime Minister on his sensible and measured approach to the tragic events of the last two days. I am sure I am joined by all moderate and right thinking Conservative Members of this House. One must not forget that we are here to represent all of our constituents and all of the people of Britain - we cannot choose to denigrate one part of society and try to heap our collective failures upon their shoulders. By trying to proportion blame for these tragedies on our immigrant minorities we only increase the feelings of insecurity amongst them, bolster the evil prejustices of racists and sow the sends of further violence. The only solution to this problem is understanding and tolerance and I for one give my full backing to the Government's Race Relations Bill, as for those who would wish to get rid of those they find distasteful, to "bung them a few pounds" in the hope they will disappear from these isles, I find it abhorrant. What they suggest in the name of community relations is no more than base racism, but racism wearing a smile, and I for one could never support it, nor any Government or any party that poprosed it." The House had sat in stunned silence as they listened to Hogg's words, and as he resumed his seat the House was suddenly reversed - the Tory benches now quiet as Labour MPs jeered at the Conservative front bench.
From "Things Fall Apart" by Ian Gilmour (Phoenix, 1986)
While the seeds had been sown by Powell's conduct during the fifties and sixties the first concrete signs of what would become the most serious split in the Conservative Party since the days of Sir Robert Peel emerged in late 1971. Sir Edward Heath's inplacable opposition to Powell's leadership was already known, and his public attack on Powell in the debate on the terms of entry to the EEC was written off by the Conservative leadership as sour grapes from the ousted leader. A more serious problem for Powell came from Quintin Hogg. Hogg was one of Powell's harshest critics, but he was highly respected and experienced and it was hard for the Conservative leader to shake off the eloquent, and vicious, surprise attack he launched in the Commons, accusing Powell of racism, as easily as he had that of Heath. Even more damaging was Hogg's resignation of the Conservative whip "for as long as Powell remains leader". Hogg would sit as an Independent Conservative for the next two and a half years, and it was only the interference of unexpected events that prevented more MPs joining him sooner in the Spring of 1972.
The first half of 1972 saw three events that conspired to keep the Conservative Party together. Firstly the Labour party faced increasing problems - the miners went on strike demanding huge pay rises while unemployment rose above the (then) significant mark of 1,000,000. With the high unemployment figures we are today used to seeing, it is hard to recall how shocking this figure was. Many Conservative MPs drew succour from Labour's failure and the lure of power, now thought close at hand, kept many potential rebels on board. Secondly was the issue of Europe. On the third reading of the European Communities Bill over eighty Conservatives MPs defied the whip and voted in favour of the Bill. It was a humiliation for Powell and moderate Conservatives MPs saw in it hope that they could stay within the party and steer it back in the right direction. However, the decision by Peter Walker and Geoffrey Rippon to vote for the Bill ended their shadow cabinet careers - they were replaced by Airey Neave and Julian Amery, a significant shift to the right. Finally came the Northern Ireland troubles. Bloody Sunday, Bloody Friday and the consequential imposition of Direct Rule upon the province brough the party together against the forces of terrorism - it was not the time for party politics. This also allowed Powell to make further changes to the shadow cabinet as he brought in James Chichester-Clark as Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, under the cover of bringing the Ulster Unionist party closer to the Conservative Party. The dramatic shift in the balance of the shadow cabinet came with the resignation of Reggie Maudling over the Poulson Affair, resulting in Whitelaw's promotion and John Biffen entering the shadow cabinet. By Summer 1972 it was clear that, while the moderates still had significant strength in numbers in the Parliamentary party, amongst the front bench they had been effectively marginalised.
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