Military Commissions Act 2006
After Approval By Congress The US Military Commissions Act
Was Presented To The President For Signature 10 October 2006
"Ten days ago, by a vote of 65 to 34,
Congress passed the Military
Commissions Act of 2006 (MCA).... The bill includes a number of provisions that
protect classified 'sources, methods, or activities' against being revealed.....The bill
specifies, for example, that during the discovery phase, the judge may protect classified
'sources, methods, or activities' from disclosure. It also provides that reliable evidence
obtained via classified 'sources, methods, or activities' is admissible, even though the
sources/methods/activities themselves are protected from disclosure. Finally, it states
that the public may be excluded from proceedings in order to protect information whose disclosure would damage national
security, including information on 'intelligence or bill enforcement sources, methods, or
activities.'"
The Military Commissions Act of 2006: A Short Primer
FindLaw, 9 October 2006
"The military judge may close to the public all or part of the proceedings of a military commission under this chapter... [to] protect information the disclosure of which could reasonably be expected to cause damage to the national security, including intelligence or law enforcement sources, methods, or activities..... The Secretary of Defense may prescribe additional regulations, consistent with this subsection, for the use and protection of classified information during proceedings of military commissions under this chapter."
Military Commissions Act Of 2006
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[Extract from Sec. 3.] S. 393012 § 949d. Sessions (a) SESSIONS WITHOUT PRESENCE OF MEMBERS. S. 393013 the military judge, the accused persists in conduct that justifies
exclusion from the courtroom
S. 393014 of trial counsels claim of privilege by the military judge in camera and on an ex parte basis, and the delay of proceedings to permit trial counsel to consult with the department or agency concerned as to whether the national security privilege should be asserted.
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"A few days after terrorists toppled
the World Trade Center in 2001, Vice President Dick Cheney said the U.S. would have to
'work ... the dark side' in order to destroy Osama bin Laden's network. Just what the dark
side could mean became clearer last month when George Bush suddenly announced that 14
suspected al-Qaeda terrorists had been shipped from mysterious overseas locations to the
U.S. detention center at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. It was the first White House confirmation
of a secret CIA-operated network of overseas prisons, places where unorthodox methods of
interrogation were not unknown. 'Were it not for this program,' Bush said, referring to
the secret prisons and the things done there, 'al-Qaeda and its allies would have
succeeded in launching another attack against the American homeland.' When Congress
adopted legislation last week to establish military
commissions to try terrorist suspects, it also gave
approval to that program and then some. By allowing
coerced testimony to be entered as evidence in trials,
Congress potentially legitimized torture as a means of obtaining information. It left the
President in charge of filling in the details of what the allowable methods should be. The
clearest limit to what might be done was actually not so clear. The new methods could not
constitute 'grave breaches' of the Geneva Conventions. But after all the huffing and
puffing from Republican Senators John McCain, John Warner and Lindsey Graham, the Executive Branch kept control over what exactly could happen
to an 'enemy combatant.' It was allowed to decide who an enemy combatant might be. The package of measures widened the definition to include any person
determined to be one under criteria defined by the President or the Secretary of Defense.
More than that, the measures adopted by Congress last
week stripped defendants of the ancient habeas corpus right to challenge their detention
in court--a step that makes it possible that the
Supreme Court will strike down some portion of the law and send everybody back to the
drawing board. 'The Supreme Court has made clear on three recent occasions that those whom
the White House labels enemy combatants are entitled to challenge their detention before a
federal judge,' says Eric Freedman, a law professor at Hofstra University who is a legal
consultant to Guantánamo detainees. 'This new law was passed in outright defiance of
those rulings.' What the legislation is likely to do even sooner is put the CIA's
secret-prison program back online. That's right: back online."
Letting the President Say
A new bill lets Bush define who is an enemy combatant and denies
detainees habeas corpus
TIME magazine,
1 October 2006
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LAW PARTY WESSEX
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