Ancient Egypt Magazine

Nine Measures of Magic

Part 1: Heka, its theological aspects and importance to the fabric of the Egyptian Cosmos

The genius of the ancient Egyptians was renowned throughout the ancient world. Egyptian magic, in particular, was feared and envied by Egypt’s neighbours. Our own view of this, argues Dr Panagiotis Kousoulis of the School of Archaeology, Classics and Oriental Studies, University of Liverpool, is coloured by 19th and 20th century interpretations of the Egyptian Heka. He reveals that understanding Heka, magic, is fundamental to our appreciation of the Egyptian cosmos. Heka was a natural force, but it could also be represented as a god in human form.

Vignette illustrating part of the spell 23 of the Book of the Dead, referring to the opening-of-the-mouth ceremony for the deceased. Although the opening-of-the-mouth ceremony is mainly a funerary ritual, it bears strong magical connotations. The rejuvenating aspect of Heka was used by the sem-priest/magician to revive the deceased by raising ritual implements to the mouth. Funerary papyrus of Hunefer, probably from Memphis, 19th Dynasty (c. 1310 BC). BM 9901/5 (R. O. Faulkner, The Ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead, London 1985, 54).

Magic permeates Egyptian society

In studying ancient societies, magical and ritual sources have tended to be under-exploited, partly for their superficial inaccessibility, and partly because they have been disreputably attractive to the “esoteric” fringe. These sources do, however, provide a number of detailed insights into the relationship between real and practical behaviour and the religious, ideological explanation of that behaviour. That holds especially true for ancient Egypt, which has long been recognised as the land of myth and magic. This is best reflected in an ancient text: “Ten measures of magic have come into this world. Egypt received nine of them, the rest of the world only one measure.” Magical beliefs and practices played a very prominent role within the socio-religious morals and behaviour of the ancient Egyptians, interfering in almost every aspect of Egyptian life at all levels of society. Egyptian magic covers a time-span of almost 4000 years: the earliest protective amulets date back to the 4th millennium BC, while written magical spells make their first appearance in 3000 BC, and continue in use until the 5th century AD.

Anthropological misunderstandings

In the last two centuries, various scholars, primarily from the fields of anthropology and sociology (Taylor, Frazer, Evans-Pritchard, Durkheim, Mauss, Malinowski, Goode, Brown, Smith and Tambiah, to mention but a few), have produced works reflecting the interest of scientific investigators in the magical beliefs and practices of the ancient world. Their work, which was based mainly on observations of the social and magico-religious behaviour of primitive cultures, was directed towards the assumption of a “universal definition of magic.” Having been influenced to a great extent by generalised Judaeo-Christian theological assumptions and prejudices about the unorthodoxy and illegality of such practices, they tended to clearly differentiate magic from religion. The former was regarded as a “lower, mechanistic system” of words and actions, which demanded hybris and blasphemy from its devotees. Religious practice, on the other hand, consisted of noble and pious rituals expressing a standard theology. Thus, magic was stigmatised as illegal and antisocial behaviour and that illegality is “the one universal characteristic” of magic.

All the first historical studies on Egyptian magic seem to be “coloured” by this conjectural difference between “positive/beneficent” and “negative/hostile” actions, consisting of either pious, religious acts, or irreverent, blasphemous magical performances. For example, the British Egyptologist Alan Gardiner recognised two categories of actions: “ordinary” and “magical” actions. The first could be treated with knowledge acquired naturally, by education or habit, while the latter could only be fulfilled with the aid of Heka, which he translates as “magical power.” He also differentiates them from all the other kinds of religious and cultic acts, such as “the cult of the dead” or “the cult of the gods”, which are “implicitly classed together as ‘religion’.” Thus, he redefines magic as “private religion” and divides magical practice, according to the aims the performers want to obtain, into defensive, productive, prognostic and malevolent magic. Another prominent Egyptologist, J. Borghouts, follows the same categorisation 58 years later and elaborates on this theme by dividing the category of destructive magic into “evil sorcery and witchcraft”. The latter term was an obvious loan from contemporary European anthropological theories and its application within the general framework of Egyptian magical practice is problematic.

The “Harim Conspiracy”:
a case of black magic?

The case that is usually referred to as “witchcraft” or “black magic” is the “Harim Conspiracy” against the Pharaoh Ramesses III (Nineteenth Dynasty, c. 1186-1154BC). Here the magical process took the form of written magical spells, inscribed wax figurines and specially prepared potions, which, according to the partially preserved trial records, were produced by a priest/magician with the aid of several other functionaries. The conspirators failed to kill the king and they received the death sentence for the “great capital crime” they had intended to commit: rebellion against the legitimate state authorities. It was the hidden, insidious and rebellious intentions that were actually condemned in the above conspiracy and not the method that was used. The latter could equally have been a knife or sword, instead of a magical technique. So, the only accusation for “black magic” known from Ancient Egypt has failed to have parallels, or, further, to be equated with the well-known witchcraft trials from medieval times, or those reported among primitive tribes studied by anthropologists. Thus, any fixed and standard definition that tries to explain the theoretical and performative context behind the notion of Egyptian Heka by comparing it with non-Egyptian possession and use of magic, should be regarded at least as erroneous.

Heka, God of magic (far left), stands with the goddess Maat behind the throne of Osiris. Funerary papyrus of the priestess Nesitanebetisheru, c. 950 BC. EA 10554/88, British Museum (Pinch 1994, 11, fig 2)

The creative aspect of Egyptian magic

The Egyptian term for magic, Heka (HkA), was used throughout the Pharaonic period until Roman times. It was succeeded by the Coptic word Hik (xik), which was equated with the Greek word magia. The best definition of Heka in Egyptian terms comes from funerary spell 261 that was inscribed on a Middle Kingdom sarcophagus. The spell is entitled “To become the god Heka”:

“I am he whom the Lord of all made before duality had yet come into being … I am the son of him who gave birth to the universe … I am the protection of that which the Lord of all has ordained … I am he who gave life to the Ennead of gods … I have come to take my position that I may receive my dignity. Because to me belonged the universe before you gods had come into being. You have come afterwards because I am Heka.”

So, the notion of Heka existed before the creation of divine and mundane world and it was the cause for the emanation of cosmos. It was the “life-giving energy” which was conceived in the mind of the creator god and expressed as “divine logos”. According to the Memphite theology, as expressed in the inscriptions on a late period monument the Shabako Stone, the creation of each human or divine being and, in general, of everything that exists in the universe, by the creator god Ptah, was achieved through the verbal manifestation of the divine thought and its correct pronunciation as “logos,” (Hw), or “word, command” (mdt). The divine “logos” had as encrypted point of reference the abstract, symbolic notion of “name.” By “proclaiming the name of everything” Ptah gave birth, initially, to Shu and Tefnut and consequently to the whole Ennead) (group of nine gods). Without the notion of Heka creation was not possible. All the gods and human beings came afterwards as a result of this divine creativity caused by Heka, made manifest by the spoken words of Ptah.

Another epithet for Heka was “the one who consecrates imagery” (HkA-kA). It refers exactly to the primeval generative attribute of Heka to empower the creator’s divine thoughts and actions and translate them into their substantial equivalent in the visual and material world. Heka was the animation force behind every ritual act, state or private, beneficent or hostile. Since the creation of the “first time” was re-enacted in the daily temple ritual, “the ritual of the opening of the mouth,” every morning, the power of Heka was present in every ritual activity.

Heka visualised

The creative act of Heka is personified and depicted on the solar bark of the creator god Re. In company with Su (“creative logos”) and Sia (“perception”), Heka re-enacts the creation of the first time and the separation of heaven and earth. The theological manifestation of Heka is also present in tomb and temple representations as early as the Old Kingdom. In the Fifth Dynasty funerary temple of the king Sahure, Heka heads a procession of nome (regional) deities bearing offerings to the king. In late period documents and on the walls of the Ptolemaic temples of Dendera, Edfu, Kom Ombos and Philae, Heka appears as one of the fourteen kas of the sun-god Re, an idea that was already present in the Middle Kingdom Coffin Texts. For example, in Coffin spell 261 Heka styles himself as “Lord of kas.”

In the so-called underworld books, the corpus of texts and scenes inscribed on the walls of the royal tombs in the Valley of the Kings, the god Heka protects the sun god Re during his night journey in the Netherworld (Amduat). Heka appears among the crew of the solar bark exorcising Apophis, the eternal serpentine demonic enemy of the sun god. The fight usually takes place in the seventh hour of the night when the evil serpent tries to stop the movement of the solar bark by hypnotising the crew. Apophis is defeated by virtue of the magic (Heka) of the goddess Isis and the “eldest magician” (Heka Semeshw). The qualification of Heka as “elder” should be seen as a reference to his primordial status as first-born son of Re.

Magic and Temple ritual

A re-enactment of Apophis’s defeat takes place daily in cultic ceremonies in all the major temples. The ritualist, magician/priest, plays the role of the god Heka and executes the serpent of chaos by smiting, breaking or burning his wax image. In the Late Period document, the Papyrus Bremner-Rhind, there are magical instructions of how to make wax figurines of the serpentine demon or other divine or human enemies:

“This spell is to be recited over (an image of) Apophis drawn on a new sheet of papyrus in green ink, and (over a figure of) Apophis in red wax. See his name is inscribed on it in green ink. To be spat upon, smitten with a knife. To be put on the fire. It is a burning in a fire of bryony.”

This magical procedure “was performed daily in the temple of Amun-Re, Lord of the thrones of the Two Lands, who dwells in Karnak.” So, in ancient Egypt magic was closely interconnected with the religious activities and form of the state and it was not only the concern of individuals performing rituals for their own benefit.

Magical rituals were performed as part of religious festivals. That is best illustrated in the Ptolemaic festival in favour of Horus of Edfu (the Behdetite), celebrated over a fourteen day period at Edfu, where images of the serpent Apophis, together with those of hippopotami and crocodiles, symbolic of the god Seth, are used in execration rituals against the enemies of Horus. The rituals were completed with the “striking of the eye” (of Apophis), the offering of the hippopotamus cake, the “trampling of fishes” and “destruction of all the enemies of the king.”

At the temple of Esna, the ritual against Apophis was developed within the proper cultic liturgy in favour of the goddess Sekhmet on the first day of the year. It was performed by the same Sekhmet-priest, for there was not a caste of professional magicians in Ancient Egypt. This magical work was considered as just one of many priestly duties and the literate lector-priest (khary-hebet) was at the same time a public servant of the cult and a private practitioner of magic. Also, the spells and techniques of Heka, about which we shall talk in detail in a future article, are those of temple ceremony: invocation of gods as assistants in the magical operation (divine speech), erasure of names and mutilation of images (damnatio memoriae), threats, enumeration of the human bodily parts that are ascribed to particular deities (lists), just to mention a few.

The Pharaoh was responsible for defeating chaos (isefet) and maintaining order (maat). This antithesis between order and chaos is not regarded as an exclusive subject of the magical rituals, but it permeates almost every cultic activity. Order versus chaos provides a crucial theme of reference in Egyptian ritual. Ritual is central to both religion and magic. It consists of the main point of reference, composed of a sequence of actions that express and fulfil certain purposes through the mobilising of specific mythological or “theological” events. So Heka, as a mobilised force within a certain performative environment, could be considered as a personification of the power of ritual. In the Middle Kingdom teaching of Amenemhat I, there is a definition of Heka that clearly shows its protective and apotropaic / ritualistic nature: “He ( the sun god) gave to them (mankind) magic (Heka) as weapon in order to repel the strokes of bad events.” These beliefs were not only held as intellectual ideas, but acted out in the daily ritual in temples.

For the Ancient Egyptians magic as Heka is a neutral, amoral creative force that is not opposed to religion but which animates it. This approach to Egyptian magic helps us to study the anthropology and sacred praxis (work) of Heka rather than to see it as a compilation of superstitions and popular beliefs.

Part 2: The role of the Magician in Egyptian society

In the second part of our series, Dr Panagiotis Koulis discloses that the magician was an esteemed and influential member of Egyptian society, exercising authority over his art and those who needed his assistance, by means of powerful words and actions.

In a Late Period monument, the Metternich Stela (c.350 BC), there appears the following declaration from Isis, the goddess of magic: 'I am Isis the goddess, the possessor of magic, who performs magic, effective of speech, excellent of words.’ This statement gives us the best definition of the nature of Egyptian magical practice: inherent possession, spells and magical techniques/formulae. In this article we will deal with the first of these three characteristics, the inherent possession of magic that refers to the power, ability and status of the magician in Egyptian society.

In the early third century AD Clement of Alexandria regarded Egypt as 'the mother of the magicians.' To what extent, however, did that reflect a particular cast of private performers of the magical act, according to our Western point of view? There seems to be no common word for 'magician' in the ancient Egyptian language and, thus, a strict differentiation between magicians, priests and medical healers in Egyptian society appears rather impractical.

Egypt: 'mother' of the magicians

There are, however, quite a few stories referring to the lives and acts of certain individuals that have been ascribed with the knowledge and possession of hidden and powerful magical abilities. The most notable example of such stories, the so-called Setna-saga, survives in written records dated between the second century BC and the second century AD. It refers to prince Khaemwaset, the fourth son of the Pharaoh Ramesses II (c. 1279-1213 BC).

Khaemwaset became first setm-priest and then 'high priest' of the god Ptah at Memphis and he was responsible for the construction of the Serapeum, a massive tomb in the sacred area of Saqqara, and the restoration of pyramids and funerary temples in the vast area of Memphis. Khaemwaset appears in these Late Period Setna-stories, named after his priestly title, as a performer of magic who knew how to use the power of amulets and talismans and how to compose magical formulae, so that he managed to prevent a Nubian magician and ruler casting spells upon, and gaining control over, Egypt. In the same story, Khaemwaset is also described as a 'good scribe and very wise man,' who was trained to understand and write the 'language of the gods,' the hieroglyphs. So, the magician in the Setna-story could combine the functions of a priest, scribe and performer of magical acts.

Similarly, in another story cycle preserved in the Papyrus Westcar, a magician transformed a wax crocodile into a real one and used it to hunt down his wife's lover. Another magician from the same story parted the water of a lake to recover a dropped pendant.

These magicians were 'chief lector-priests' (hery-heb), high in rank in the Egyptian priesthood. They were responsible for the keeping of the sacred books and ritual manuscripts in the sacred scriptorium, known as the 'House of Life' (per-ankh), about which we shall talk later. They were mostly involved with the magical rituals performed inside the temple precinct, rather than the common daily cultic rituals. They were regarded as the intermediate link between the sacred world of the temple and the outside world because they were allowed to use their knowledge to officiate at funerals.'

In execration rituals, the chief lector priest is accompanied by the 'fighter' priest (ahAw-a), and it is to these functionaries that are addressed the ritual incantations in the second person found in papyri and on the temple walls. Thus, in the rubrics of the Late Period magical papyrus Bremner-Rhind, which were addressed against the serpentine demon Apophis, the enemy of the sun god par excellence, the chief lector priest gives directions to the fighter priest of how to make wax images of the snake and every enemy of the gods and the pharaoh and destroy them.' A lector-priest could also be capable of performing medical treatments and curing various illnesses.

Closely associated with medicine and practical healing was another group of priests/magicians, the priests of the goddess Sekhmet. Sekhmet was regarded as the one 'great of magic' and together with the god Ptah and her son Nefertem made up the Memphite triad. According to Egyptian mythology, Sekhmet was connected with the uraeus of the Pharaoh and thus became the 'eye of Re', accompanying the king to battle, protecting him from his enemies and curing his injuries. The priests who were under her service were specialised in medicine and could combine medical treatment and natural remedies with magical and sacerdotal methods.

The magician's 'tools of the trade'

Thus, the direct priestly affiliation of magicians is highly significant, and strongly suggests that itinerant magicians did not exist in Ancient Egypt. The best evidence of the profession of magician/priest derives from the discovery of a Middle Kingdom magician's box beneath the storerooms at the Ramesseum.' It contained twenty-three fragmentary papyri with magico-religious contexts, four broken ivory 'apotropaic knives,' amulets, various beads and figurines, including four female dolls, a statuette of the hybrid goddess Beset holding snakes, a bronze uraeus and an ivory herdsman carrying a calf. The amulets were used for protective purpose, while the apotropaic wands repelled evil and protected infants from demons.

The wax figurines were used in execration rituals, about which we shall talk in detail in a future article. They were spat upon, pierced with a knife and burned, symbolising thus the ritual 'death' of the enemy.

The magical significance of the ivory herdsman becomes apparent when it is compared with the identical representation in fording scenes in the Old Kingdom tombs. In such scenes the herdsman carries a calf into the water to induce the cattle to follow. The fording scenes are usually accompanied by the recitation of a protective spell against crocodiles or other dangerous creatures that usually lie in the river. Those spells were recited by magicians, who accompany the herdsman on the boat. They were called 'those who know sacred things' (rkh-kht), a term that reveals their priestly affiliation and their attachment to the sacred temple institute, which was known as the 'House of Life'.

The House of Life

In the Setna-story, we saw above, the magical acts are described as the 'deeds of a good scribe of the House of Life (pr-ankh)'. The 'House of Life' was a sacred institution attached to all the major temples.

Although there is not any solid archaeological evidence for its existence, many texts describe its functions and the religious writings it contained. A symbolic representation of the House of Life is depicted in a Late Period document, Papyrus Salt 825, that also contains a ritual for the protection of the 'House of Life.' It is shown as a courtyard that encloses the figure of Osiris, standing within a mummy case and looking toward the ankh-hieroglyphic sign in the top right-hand corner of the inner court. A rectangular wall pierced by four gates surrounds the court, while hieroglyphic signs with apotropaic meaning were drawn inside it. The four corners of the wall were protected by the deities Isis, Nepthys, Horus and Thoth.

This sacred institute was initially created for the magical protection of the gods (Re, Osiris) and the Pharaoh, who was regarded as their representative on earth. It had, also, acquired the role of the temple library, where all the sacred books (mdat ntr), writings and cultic archives were kept.' Sixteen books, which were property of the House of Life in the temple of Osiris at Abydos, have been recorded in Papyrus Salt 825.

All of them are characterised by their significant apotropaic capacities: 'As for the books which are in it, they are the baw of Re, keeping alive this god (scil. Osiris), and overthrow his enemies." As for the people who enter into it, 'they are the staff of Re and the scribes of the House of Life, the followers of Re protecting his son Osiris every day.' The priests were responsible for the preservation of these books and their regular transmission.

In an important relief relating to the sed-festival at Bubastis, a procession of long-skirted priests, most of whom hold papyrus rolls, is headed 'friends and masters of magic.' Among the separate personages are two Hkaw-Smsw 'magician-protectors of the King of Lower Egypt,' one 'royal scribe' (ss-ntr) and a group of people, called as 'the company of the House of Life,' synonym to the latter 'staff of the House of Life.' In a Thirtieth Dynasty fine statue from the Louvre, the 'chief-lector-priest' Nakhtharhab is recognised as the 'leader of the masters of magic (Hryw Hkat) in the House of Life.’

The magician as god

The exceptional and superior position of the magicians/priests in Egyptian society was due not only to their training and spiritual capabilities but, mainly, to their power to come in contact and control the spiritual realm of the divine entities.

During the course of a magical ceremony, a special relationship is developed between the magician and the invoked deities. The phrase 'I am the god N,' which appears very often in magical spells, consists of a very important magical technique that assimilates and equates the human (magician) and the superhuman (deity) being.

The magician believes that he is not merely the medium for the divine power to be expressed through, but an independent entity who retains the will and freedom to use and distribute this power according to his desire. Thus, for example, in an incantation from a Nineteenth Dynasty ostracon from Deir el-Medineh, which is directed against a human enemy, the magician 'transforms' himself into a certain god Montu, threatening his foe:

'I will say: "Come to me Montu, lord of the day! Come, that you may put N born of N into my hand like an insect in the mouth of a bird". I am Montu whom the gods adore. I will sever your bones and eat your flesh.’

Similarly, in the Spell X from the Metternich Stela, which consists of a conjuration in favour of a man that has been bitten by a snake's bite, the magician starts the spell speaking as the god Thoth, who invokes the magic of Horus, and completes the rite having been assimilated with the invoked god:

'An adoration of Horus to glorify him. Recitation on the water and on the land. Recitation by Thoth, the saviour of this god ... I have recited with your magic (HkA) and I have spoken with your spells (Akhw) and I have exorcised with your words ... May you drive away for me all the lions in the desert, all the crocodiles in the river, all the biting snakes in their holes/ ... May you remove for me the pulsating poison which is in all the limbs ... Your name is invoked on this day: "I am Horus the saviour". '

Either using imperative ('come!'), as in the first example, or perspective form ('may you remove...'), the magician praises the divine magical abilities and power, that helps him to execute the ritual, and reaches the divine state through the authoritative and effecting utterance of the spoken words. The sound was the essential 'bridge' that linked the magician with the mundane and invisible world and enabled him to have access and power over it.'

The magician not only impersonates and expresses the will of the supernatural powers, by making himself a 'channel,' a medium, through which these powers can be visualised in the human sphere, but also he 'transforms' himself into god: 'For I am among gods: Seth is on my right, Horus on my left, Nephthys is in my embrace, o gods! Make way for me! I am one of you!'" This divine transformation is without hybris, according to the Greek notion of arrogant behaviour and action, but in complete orthodoxy with the primeval power and superiority of the Egyptian magic.

So, magicians lived in direct contact with the gods, while, at the same time, they occupied the most important positions in the political and social order. Since Egyptian society was regarded as theocentric, it was the magicians' duty to keep it in harmony with the gods, establishing and maintaining Ma'at.

PART 3: 'Overthrowing Apophis': EGYPTIAN RITUAL IN PRACTICE. Back to Top

Throughout Egyptian history, a major focus of ritual activity was intended to overcome personal, divine or foreign enemies of the king or state. Other members of Egyptian society also availed themselves of these apotropaic practices, which are described for us in the final part of our series

by Dr Panagiotis Kousoulis.

In the Book of Overthrowing Apophis, the longest and most important part, in terms of its magical value, of the Papyrus Bremner- Rhind (4th century BC), the expression 'what is said consisting of magic' is followed by the statement 'when Apophis is placed (on) the fire', indicating that verbal expressions (spells) and physical modes of action (known as apotropaic techniques) provide the core of ceremonial Egyptian magic. Each episode of a ritual was composed of a series of threat formulae and magical utterances combined with a number of symbolic gestures and techniques. This combination was essential for the effective outcome of the magical procedure.

Spells and conjurations

Terracotta model of a woman pierced with iron nails c.200-300 AD. This figurine was buried in a pot with a lead tablet inscribed with a love charm. Louvre inv. E 27145 (Pinch 1994, fig 48).

Spells and oral conjurations form the corner stone of a magical ritual. The importance of spells is very well exemplified in the direct equation and identification of heka with the spoken word. In col. 24/17-18 of the Apophis Book in the Papyrus Bremner-Rhind we read: 'Retire, turn back at this magic (heka) which has come forth from my mouth for Pharaoh!' Magical speech during the ceremony formed the channel through which the magician could activate and reinforce both his magical capabilities and the accompanied apotropaic techniques.

It was the special meaning and apotropaic force, hidden within the literary structure of a magical narrative, that caused the mobilisation of certain powers and actions during the course of the ceremony.

The pronunciation of special 'words of power' could extract, either through their own verbal ascendancy or in conjunction with other literary elements within the narrative, specific forces from the mythical world into the mundane sphere and divine world into the mundane sphere and the situation the magician needed to deal with

Cultic language was the medium and process to access the divine and to link the mundane and terrestrial spheres into a united ceremonial performance.

The mechanisms involved in the assembly and function of a magic narrative could vary, from the simple quotation of a mythical background (historiola), that comprises the main point of reference for the mobilisation and development of the magical action, to more sophisticated literary techniques, such as the identification of the magician with a specific god whom he invokes during the rite (divine speech), the enumeration of certain parts of the body with their divine proection (lists) and specially designed threat and curse formulae within a broader performative and liturgical environment.

'I have overcome the enemies of Pharaoh'

Within this ritual environment, the power of the oral incantations was reinforced by the symbolic destruction of wax figurines in the form of the enemies of cosmic and political order, or the burning of a sheet of papyrus, with the name and figure of the enemies drawn on it:

'This spell is to be recited over (an image of) Apophis drawn on a new sheet of papyrus in green ink, and (over a figure of) Apophis in red wax. See, his name is inscribed on it in green ink ... I have overthrown all the enemies of Pharaoh from all their seats in every place where they are. See, their names written on their breasts, having been made of wax, and also bound with bonds of black rope. Spit upon them! To be trampled with the left foot, to be fallen with the spear (and) knife; to be placed on the fire in the melting-furnace of the copper-smiths ... It is a burning in a fire of bryony. Its ashes are placed in a pot of urine, which is pressed firmly into a unique fire. '

Although it is not unlikely that an exeration ritual continued occasionally to involve human sacrifice, the use of execration figurines made of wax and drawings on papyri was the rule for the majority of the sacrificial actions performed during the ceremony.

This special use of objects has its own symbolic meaning and apotropaic value, which rely on the specific material that is used and the magical principle of analogy and similarity that is expressed between the two poles in the ceremony, these being the figurine or iconographic papyrus (the object or medium) on the one hand and the divine or human enemy (the target), on the other.

The similia similibus formulae are traditionally referred to as sympathetic or homeopathetic rituals, but they can more precisely described as 'persuasively analogical'; ritual of this kind is not based on poor science or a failure to observe empirical data but rather on a strong belief in the persuasive power of certain kinds of formulaic language.

Images of wax

The choice of wax as the basic constructive material for the figurines is related to its peculiar physical properties, that makes it quite suitable for magical operations, and to its mythological association with the divine realm: wax as a primeval substance was said to be created by the sun god himself. Yet, an object made of wax is characterised by its vulnerability and, thus, it could easily be destroyed during the rite. Also, the fact that it can be burnt without leaving any ashes distinguishes it as a perfect symbol guaranteeing the total eradication of the hostile image that it represents. The same attributes could also apply to the papyrus plant, which was used on which to write the various spells and draw the hostile images.

For the Egyptians, the colour green (w3d) was derived from and was associated with the papyrus plant (w3d), as a symbol of flourishing (w3d) and eternal renewal. Both bear, amongst other properties, strong protective attributes expressed in a variety of ways and contexts. 'Papyrus column' amulets made of green stone were regarded as very effective in expelling evil in the real world and the hereafter. From the Ramesside period onwards, and especially during Graeco-Roman times, lion- headed goddesses, particularly Bastet, Sekhmet and Menhet, carry the papyrus as a symbol of protection and elimination of every harmful notion or enemy.

'Spitting upon, trampling and spearing'

After the formation of the appropriate implements that could serve as medium and solid points of reference for expelling an amorphous adversary, the ritualist commences the magical procedure.

According to the rubric of the Apophis book, quoted earlier, the magical procedure is basically developed into the following steps with occasional variations: 'spitting upon' (psg) the hostile image, 'trampling upon (sin) it with his 'left foot' 'spearing' (hw) it with his 'spear' (m'b3) or 'knife' (ds) 'binding' (q3s) and wrapping it in the papyrus, before placing it on the fire (hh). In addition to the positive, curative aspects of spitting and its role to the creation of cosmos, which is envisioned in so many Egyptian myths and tales, its potential nature as a weapon of destruction and corruption is well emphasised in the magical texts and well practised in the apotropaic dromena.

Because the act of spitting was hostile and magically threatening, it could be easily associated with the ejected venom of serpents, scorpions, insects, and other creatures. Thus, spitting figures prominently in both the recitations and praxis of execrations directed against wax figurines representing the divine demons and their associates.

Trampling upon an enemy was a standard gesture in magical rites. It derives from the common imagery of the traditional enemies of Egypt, represented on the king's footstool and on the sole of his sandals, so that he was constantly trampling on them.

The same idea is found in funerary magic. The casting of the hostile image with a spear or knife follows the spitting technique. In fact, this formula dominates the relevant reliefs on the walls of the Ptolemaic temples. The king, represented by the priest in the everyday re-enactment of the rite, spears the enemy (human or divine) in the presence of the patron deity of the temple (the temple statue in real life). The sacrificial immolation of the figurines comes as the final apotropaic step and symbolises the total destruction of the enemy.

The theme of the burnt offering is not normally considered central to Egyptian ritual, but where it is developed, it carries the theme of sacrifice of the enemy. Quite often, the precise place where the fire takes place is clearly stated in the rubrics of the magical papyri: 'To be placed on the fire in the furnace of the coppersmiths' and, elsewhere, 'the furnace (w3w3) shall consume you. '

Preserving the House of Life

Magical healing statue of Djedhor from basalt (323-317 BC). It was inscribed with magical spells against snakes and other malign creatures. In its front part, it shows the young god Horus trampling upon crocodiles. (E. Russmann, Egyptian Sculpture: Cairo and Luxor, London 1989, 195)

The term w3w3 is a reduplicated form of the verb w3 ('to roast') meaning 'fire flame.' It is attested quite often in the funerary texts of the Middle and New Kingdom referring to the divine flame, personified as the uraeus or 'mistress of fire', that burns up the enemies of Osiris in the Underworld. There is, here, a direct conformity between the ritual burning of wax figures as common cultic practice on earth, and the mythological execution of criminals and sinners in the Underworld Based on this analogy between religious practice and funerary dramatisation, the representations of such furnaces on the tomb walls could help us conceive an idea could be traced back, at least, to the Middle Kingdom depiction of a small brazier in the context of offering scenes. An oval cavity, 68m deep, in the form of a truncated cone, excavated at Mirgissa could have served a similar purpose. Into this pit were placed five unbroken crucibles of dried mud, duplicates of the typical crucible used for copper smelting.

Since wax does not leave any residue after being burned, it was the ashes from the papyrus that had to be collected 'in a pot of urine' and placed, consecutively, on a new fire. There is a parallel correlation, here, between a by-product of the human body, the waste liquid, which has to be discharged from it as totally useless and, somehow, dangerous for its harmonious function, and the visible symbolic remains of a superhuman foe, which are still regarded malicious until they are completely dispersed.

The power of encircling

After the burning of the enemy's physical 'body,' assimilated to a wax substitute or a drawing on a sheet of papyrus, the magician endeavours to control his malicious activities in the Underworld through the magical technique of 'encircling' (phrt) his 'shadow'. Although the term phr is especially involved in prophylactic rites for purification, its destructive, aspects cannot be dismissed.

In the Underworld, the 'subjugation' yielded by the technique of encircling consist a major threat for all the parts of the personality of both the blessed deceased and hostile demons. It is this function of phr that is meant under the rubric of this book and is performed

to retain cosmic order and to repel the forces of chaos. There is again here, as with the burning formula above, a direct juxtaposition and integration between the funerary rites as these are expressed through the multifunctional funerary texts of the New Kingdom, and the magical apotropaic techniques and formulae.

A suitable day and hour The choice of the suitable day and hour for the magical operation was essential for the success of the rite. Such choice was determined by the nature and character of the rite, as well as the special mythological bonds that connect it with the divine sphere. Thus, rituals that were related to the sun god and his adversaries, usually took place in the morning, while spells against the dangers of the night were performed at dusk. Also, calendars of lucky and unlucky days, where the classification of the days was based on events in myth, play an important role as guidelines for the designation of the time the performance. Very often, a particular rite, like the one against Apophis, could be practised every day. This frequent performance reflects the daily fight between Apophis and the sun-god in the Underworld, which was common and well developed theme within the context of the funerary papyri, Underworld books and apotropaic sun hymns of the New Kingdom onwards.

Horus of Edfu The performance of the magical practices within the liturgical environment of a temple was closely interconnected with all the major religious festivals. Thus, during the festival in favour of Horus the Behdetite, celebrated over a fourteen day period at Edfu, execration images of serpentine images of Apophis, together with those of hippopotami and crocodiles, symbolising Seth, are used in execration rituals against the enemies of Horus.

The rituals were completed with the 'striking of the eye' (of Apophis), the offering of the hippopotamus cake, the 'trampling of fishes' and 'destruction of all the enemies of the king.' The destruction of the enemies should also have been part of the Busirite liturgy of the Osiris Mystery performed from 23 to 30 Khoiak near the tomb of Osiris in the divine necropolis at Dendera.

Another allusion to the Apophis' destruction as a liturgical component is found in the Apis bull embalming ritual described in the Papyrus Vindob. 3873.

After the mummification process, the coffin containing the mummy is placed on a boat and is then transported to the Lake of the Kings in a procession attended by the goddesses Isis and Nephthys and headed by the god Wepwawet of Upper Egypt and the god Wepwawet of Lower Egypt, Horus and Thoth. On the arrival at the Lake the Apis is lifted up onto a raised platform, while priests sail across the Lake reading from nine sacred books. The Apis then undergoes the Opening of the Mouth ceremony before it returns to the Embalming House. Two of the nine books being recited by the priests are entitled 'The book of the protection of the divine bark' and 'the book of exorcising of (evil).' These rituals could be addresses against any malign demon or human.

Further Reading: a selection of sources

1. J. F. Borghouts, Ancient Egyptian Magical Texts (Leiden, 1978).

2. J. F. Borghouts: ‘Akhou - Hekaou’: two basic notions of Ancient Egyptian magic, and the concept of the divine creative word,’ in A. Roccati and A. Siliotti (eds.), La Magia in Egitto ai Tempi dei Faraoni (Milan, 1987), 29-46

3. J. F. Borghouts: ‘Magie’ in Lexikon der Ägyptologie, v. III (Wiesbaden, 1980), cols. 1137-51.

4. P. Eschweiler, Bildzauber im Alten Ägypten (Göttingen, 1994).

5. A. Gardiner: ‘Magic (Egyptian),’ in J. Hastings (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, v. 8 (New York, 1922), cols. 262a-269a.

6. Y. Koenig, Magie et Magicians dans l’ Egypte Ancienne (Paris, 1994).

7. G. Pinch, Magic in Ancient Egypt (London, 1994).

8. R. Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient Egyptian Magical Practices (Chicago, 1993).

9. R. K. Ritner, ‘Egyptian magic: questions of legitimacy, religious orthodoxy and social deviance’ in A. Lloyd (ed.), Studies in Pharaonic Religion and Society in Honour of J. Gwyn Griffiths (London, 1992), 189-200.

10. S. J. Tambiah, Magic, Science, Religion and the Scope of Rationality (Cambridge, 1990).

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