Safety in Formula One Motor Racing from 1950 continued:

The Professionalization of Drivers and the Formation of the Grand Prix Drivers' Association.

From the 1950s an increasing number of drivers were employed as professionals. Until then drivers were largely drawn from the upper classes and often funded their own racing. Professionalization increased the number of drivers from the middle and working class. One reason given for this trend is the process of 'social incorporation'. Social incorporation refers to the accommodation of the values and beliefs of the hegemonic classes into middle and working-class consciousness and is evident in society at large. Social incorporation evens out power chances amongst the classes but by no means leads to an absolute balance of power chances. This process along with the introduction of cheaper forms of motor sport meant it was possible for members of the middle and working classes to participate as drivers. These lower formulae of motor racing meant drivers could effectively work their way 'up the ladder' and drive as professionals in the elite formulae. Drivers such as Stirling Moss and Jackie Stewart are often put forward as examples of drivers from middle class backgrounds who followed such a path. We cannot assume the change in class distribution of drivers necessarily reflects that of other participants such as team members, spectators. I think this would be an interesting area of further research. As team structures have become increasing specialized has this effected the people they employ and their educational background? Is this in any way linked to the class background of employees? This is just one aspect. Going back to regarding drivers, I believe social incorporation and access to cheaper forms of motor sports did facilitate drivers from middle and lower classes entering the sport during the 1950s and 1960s. But, we must also consider the increasing professionalization of these lower formulae in later years. In 1992 it was estimated the costs of running lower formulae teams for one season could be in the region of UK£40,000 to UK£115,000 (Howard 1992). A popular introduction into motor racing for youngsters is karting which can be expensive, has this discouraged or inhibited members of the middle and lower classes participating as drivers?

The drivers formed the Grand Prix Drivers' Association (GPDA) in May 1961 to discuss their collective interests many of these issues related to their status as professionals such as contract agreements. Another issue of interest to drivers was safety which was regularly discussed by the GPDA members. It must not be assumed that all drivers have the same objectives. Drivers are not a homogenous group and the GPDA indicates areas of conflict between the drivers as well as co-operation. With regards to the GPDA's safety objectives, Jackie Ickx left the GPDA in 1970 - Peter Roberts writes:

"Ickx . . . has little time for motor racing politics and particularly drivers who agitate for ambitious safety schemes"

(Roberts 1973:116)

Therefore the GPDA represented the majority of drivers' view, not the whole. With regards to safety their main form of drawing attention was threatening not to race. The threat to strike was rarely executed and used as a last resort but demonstrates the lack of power drivers had with the governing body and their team managers. Threats to strike were rarely executed due in part to team managers threatening to fire drivers and bringing in drivers that swelled the numbers of the lower formulae - a demonstration of co-ercive power. An interesting insight into drivers' associations is portrayed in the 1966 feature film 'Grand Prix'. The film followed a number of fictitious drivers through a Formula One season - real race settings were used and many of the real drivers of the time were used as a supporting cast, some even having small speaking parts and given character names. The film depicts the 'Drivers' Association' which whilst not claiming to directly represent the GPDA does seem to echo the real life situation. The association is depicted as meeting informally pre-race to discuss safety issues and seems to reflect the real life lack of representation with the governing body. Regarding track conditions the drivers consider unsafe:

" 'Let's write them a letter.'

'They file letters.'

'A strongly worded letter, official, from the Drivers' Association.'

'They have a special file for strongly worded letters from the Association.' "

('Grand Prix - The Film' 1966)

The GPDA was effective during the 1960s and campaigned on many issues until the early 1980s after which time it entered a moribund state. There are a number of possible reasons for the GPDA's moribund state. Drivers became subject to increasing time constraints - their increasingly professional status and commercial obligations ensured little free time at race weekends which were the ideal time for a drivers' collective meeting. The governing body introduced mandatory driver debriefing sessions on race day mornings which provided a forum to express concerns directly with representatives of the governing body. With the increasingly professional status of drivers many employed specialists to oversee their interests including legal representatives to oversee and negotiate contracts thus removing much of the immediate pressure and involvement in such issues.

The GPDA was reformed after the deaths of Ayrton Senna and Roland Ratzenberger at the San Marino Grand Prix, 1994. Regarding the reformation of the GPDA driver Martin Brundle noted:

"To a certain extent, part of what drove us to have our meeting . . . was the guilt feeling".

(Tremayne 1996:147)

Many drivers express similar feelings of guilt at this time, stating they felt they had not spoken out about areas of tracks they believed were dangerous. One reason they had not spoken out may be as touched on previously, they felt the governing body had it 'under control' and due to their time constraints the meetings they had with the governing body were deemed sufficient. With the increasingly specialized division of labour within the sport drivers may have felt medical and safety experts brought in were better prepared to deal with the safety issue. These are all possibilities and further investigation with drivers would be necessary however one area I am particularly interested in is the fact drivers may fear they are seen as 'emasculated' by speaking openly about safety fears. The next section deals with this interesting intersection of masculinity and the perception of risk.

Next page: 'Masculinity and the Perception of Risk'

Back: 'Safety in Formula One Motor Racing from 1950'

Bibliography (or Go to my Book Reviews Page)

Peter Roberts - 'Racing Cars and the History of Motor Sport' Octopus Books Ltd 1973

David Tremayne - 'Echoes of Imola' Motor Racing Publications Ltd 1996 Buy this book at Amazon.co.uk Today!

"Grand Prix" - The Motion Picture (1966)

Director: John Frankenheimer Distributor: MGM Home Entertainment

(c)RH PR 2007