During the year 1754 a young insignificant Lieutenant Colonel of the Virginia Militia by the name of GEORGE WASHINGTON managed, near the small French Fort Duquense, to provide the small spark needed to ignite the already smouldering frontier. By 1756 Britain and France were once again at war, locked in a conflict that quickly developed into a true WORLD WAR.

Amongst the earliest reinforcements sent to the growing American fighting, was the 35th Regiment of Foot. Embarking from Plymouth on the 11th of April in company with the 42nd Regiment (THE BLACK WATCH) the two Regiments headed for years of hard campaigning and their separate appointments with history.

The fleet, commanded by Admiral Holbourn arrived at New York in June, here both the 35th and 42nd disembarked and proceeded to Albany arriving there on June 25th. On the 29th of July the Earl of Loudoun arrived with reinforcements and took command of the assembled army. Taking one division, consisting of regulars and massed militia some ten thousand strong he marched to Fort William Henry standing at the southern end of Lake George, some fifteen miles from Fort Edward. Here the army remained until the middle of November. Leaving the Fort William Henry complex (Fort and entrenched camp) under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel George Munro and garrisoned by a strong mixed detachment which included the 35th Regiment of Foot, the Earl of Loudoun took his army into winter quarters.
 
 

During the spring of 1757 the French and their Indian allies commanded by their able commander The Marquis de Montcalm made a number of separate attacks on the Fort and its entrenched camp, but were driven off by the garrison. However on the 3rd of August Montcalm invested Fort William Henry with a force, which consisted of some ten thousand men, including the regular Regiments of La Sarre, Guienne, Languedoc, La Reinne, Royal Roussillon and  troupes de Terre de Bearn plus a powerful artillery train.

Colonel Munroe had by now fewer than two thousand men consisting of the 35th, elements of the 60th Regiment and the New Jersey and New Hampshire and Massachusett Militia. Despite these numbers he knew his position was serious however he was also well aware that only fifteen miles away at Fort Edward, was a four thousand plus army under the command of Brigadier-General Webb.

Immediately Montcalm invested Fort William he called for Munroe to surrender which Munroe (expecting at least some form of demonstration by Webb having sent him a calmly written report that concluded with “I make no doubt that you will soon send us reinforcements”) turned down saying he “would defend the place to the last extremity”.

Siege warfare now progressed from 3rd of August until the 9th during which Munroe wrote a number of increasingly exasperated letters to his commander at Fort Edward assuring Webb that he "would therefore be Glad (if this meets Your Approbation) the whole army was marched”. And finally  “The Fort and camp still hold out, in hopes of a speedy Relief from you, which we hourly expect, and if that does not happen, we must fall into the hands of our Enemies”.

Some letters Webb never received and even his reply’s were easily captured by the French (and used to good effect during surrender negotiations). Webb, it must be said believed he was facing some ten thousand troops and would have been leaving one of the few defensive positions protecting Albany and setting out on a journey along a road ideally suited to ambuscade which must have seemed almost suicidal. Webb’s final letter (intercepted by the French) included complaints on the Militia (one thousand of which he had called for only a week earlier). There is also the faint indication that he was at last ready to march as this letter included --”We wish most heartily that you may be able to hold out a little longer”.  However the siege had already progressed to the point under the rules of 18th century warfare Munro was obliged to hang out a flag of truce.

Although Montcalm had refused the honours of war to the Oswego garrison because of its poor (therefore dishonourable) defence, the defenders of Fort William Henry were to be given on paper particularly favourable terms (i.e. marching out with muskets carrying their standards with them). This would be the last time the French would offer a British garrison parole during the conflict, certainly in North America.

As stated the terms agreed on during negotiations were particularly honourable.(This is often used by Montcalm's denigrators to prove culpability in what later transpired.) The garrison would be allowed to march the fifteen or so miles to Fort Edward with drums beating and flags flying. The retreating column would even be allowed to take one of the light six pound cannon with them as a mark of esteem Montcalm had for the defenders. In addition they would be provided with a detachment of French regulars as an escort. The sick or wounded, those unable to march, would be left under the personal protection of Montcalm.

In return for these generous terms the defeated soldiers were not to bear arms against France or her allies for eighteen months. All captive French soldiers, civilians or Indians were to be returned to French territory within three months. While for a short period, one British officer was to remain as hostage for the safe return of the columns escort.

This was all very fine, however during negotiations several acts by Montcalms indian allies convinced one British officer (Lieutenant Colonel Young) that the Indians may not have been in FULL agreement to the surrender document, and conveyed his worries to Montcalm.

Montcalm was well aware of the problem, knowing only too well that the Indian forces were ALLIES and not by any means under his command. He was also well aware that on a similar such occasion at OSWEGO the previous year, wounded from the surrendering garrison had been murdered. He therefore called a general council of the gathered chiefs to which Lieutenant Colonel Young was invited. Montcalm apparently went to some lengths to explain the "European" terms.

As to how much was fully comprehended let alone agreed to, (bearing in mind the communication difficulties putting such alien ideals over to the sixteen hundred different Indians drawn from thirty-three tribes) can only be surmised. However the assembled chiefs appeared to agree to the terms and even agreed to restrain their warriors, but they still insisted on their right to loot the fort as soon as it had been vacated.

At noon on the 9th of August a French detachment arrived, to take over formal command of the Fort itself and the stores it contained (Which Montcalm insisted belonged to the Canadian government) plus the seventy or so, sick and wounded. The British soldiers marched off towards the entrenched camp. As this was happening small groups of Indians infiltrated the Fort and soon cries for help and screams of  pain soon reached the ears of the departing redcoats.

One witness Pere Roubaud a French Jesuit missionary recounted that while many seriously wounded were protected several unfortunate English were attacked and killed. He even went so far as to tell of a warrior proudly displaying a human head as a treasured trophy. The French had some difficulty protecting the military stores which many Indians saw as theirs to loot. The whole situation was made even worse by the departure of wagons loaded with the British officers baggage.

There is no doubt that many Indians believed they had been at best deceived by if not lied to by Montcalm. Without a doubt, many by now within the Indian contingent were totally dissatisfied with their rewards for assistance in taking the fort. There was one other aspect that probably totally overlooked by the French, amongst their large "Indian" gathering cannibalism was taken as a matter of course by a number of assembled "tribes".

Following the murder of the sick Montcalm provided a temporary guard of 200 French regulars and picked men for the paroles at the entrenched camp. It was also agreed that the march to Fort Edward would begin at midnight however this had no sooner begun than countermanded, as Montcalm discovered his Indian allies were preparing to attack the column as it marched. It was agreed that the march would be delayed until morning at which time the French escort would be increased to Four Hundred and fifty men. But damage had been done, the abandoned march at midnight only serving as further proof that the French were trying to trick the Indians out of their rightful booty.

The following morning according to all accounts as the British march began to form, found the French Indian allies in a particularly warlike demeanour with most of the attention directed towards the thorny question of the British Officers baggage. The Royal Artillery with their cannon led the way followed by the 35th Regiment of Foot.  However Indians were already beginning to seize anything they could, packs swords muskets, drums and the horses pulling the cannon, while Indians allied to the British were also beginning to be dragged off along with a number of coloured slaves. The British regulars were soon flanked by the promised escort which despite its increase in size would be insufficient to guard all of the surrendered column (A shortfall that would noticeably effect the eventual losses suffered by the various contingents).

Within the entrenched camp things were deteriorating even further, seventeen wounded men from the Massachusetts militia were dragged out killed and scalped in full view of the regimental surgeon, fellow militiamen AND some French officers and soldiers who it must be added did nothing to save these unfortunates.

By now both loot and prisoners were beginning to appear in the Indian camp, which prompted a large number of Indians to head for imagined pillage of the British entrenchment. The Indian camp it must be also added lay squarely across the road leading to Fort Edward and through which the already terrified marching columns personnel would soon have to pass.

The rear of the column consisting of the provincial Regiments, having already had some of its personnel dragged away while still in the entrenchment, now tried to leave and almost immediately suffered a major attack. According to all accounts, factual and fictitious someone amongst the Indian contingent gave vent to the dreaded Indian war whoop and all sense of formal control of SOME of the Indian contingent evaporated.

The New Hampshire Regiment and their camp followers at the rear of the column were next to be hit followed by the Massachusetts Regiment many of whom took to the woods for survival. Others sought help from some French soldiers only to be taunted with what the Indians would no doubt do to them. Meanwhile the indiscriminate killing was already beginning to subside and a large scale loot and prisoner taking bout taking over which only added to the panic spreading towards the head of the column. According to a number of accounts even the regular soldiers broke and ran, which by turn spurred the Indians to increase their captive taking

Montcalm arrived and tried (at times ineffectually) to remedy the situation (his rescue of one unfortunate promoting the killing of three others). Other French Officers and some of the accompanying translators also tried to rescue "fellow" soldiers, women and some cases children (Estimates of those rescued by the French at this point run to about five hundred).

A runner had already informed Webb at Fort Edward of the surrender of Fort William Henry and had arranged an escort of five hundred men to meet what he expected would be an orderly and protected column. Instead he was met by increasingly large groups of frightened individuals "mostly stripped to their Shirts and breeches" and "in the most distressing Situation".

Over the next few days this trickle of arrivals increased the total number of refugees to about six hundred with some one thousand seven hundred hiding in the woods, in the protection of the French, killed or taken prisoner by the Indians.

On Monday 15th August 1757 about five hundred people, men women children and soldiers, including most of the Officers, of the defeated garrison who had been rescued by the French were returned to Fort Edward. This bought the total number from Fort William Henry to about eleven hundred finally accounting for all the Officers from both regular and militia detachments however it still left approximately twelve hundred missing. Further refugees were to return on their own accord or by the French and their Indian allies.  By 31st  August the 35th had five hundred and twenty three men present out of an original total of five hundred and eighty six, a  further thirty six would return over the next few months leaving a total missing at the end of 1757, of twenty seven.  (By comparison the Massachusetts Regiment still had 127 missing at that time). The loss of equipment probably says even more about what actually occurred at Fort William Henry than the missing personel. According to the eye witness account of Captain James  Furniss, when the 35th was assembled at Albany shortly after the "Massacre" the survivors had a mere 121 muskets, 26 bayonets and 54 cartridge boxes scattered amongst the five hundred and fifty plus men.

By now the story of the Massacre had spread like wildfire, the unexpected bonus for the British was a large influx of volunteers into the Militia Regiments. For the 35th the agony was to continue, for on the 3rd of November, Colonel Munroe died of a heart attack (at the time it was said of a broken heart at what had befallen his men). Also for a short period it looked as if the newly arrived Major General Amherst intended to disperse the Regiment amongst the various outposts. However after several representations of the 35th's Officers not only was this idea rejected but an order was issued stating that in consequence of the treatment of the regiment after its capitulation at Fort William Henry the terms of the parole were to be considered null and void (The treatment of the capitulated garrison of Fort william Henry would be cited as the reason for not giving Parole terms to the French garrison after the later surrender of Louisbourg).

The 35th Regiment of Foot numbering some six hundred and twenty seven men and under the command of Lieutenant Fletcher proceeded to re-equip. They were to prepare for an assault on the fortress of LOUISBOURG as part of the Second  Brigade (15th,35th 40th and 78th Regiments) under the command of Colonel Murray.
 
 

The Fortress-town of Louisbourg on Cape Breton island was the Key to any intended operations against French held Canada in particular Quebec and had already withstood one attempt to take it by the British in 1757. This time the British Prime Minister William Pitt intended no mistakes and duly appointed the able Colonel J Amherst as over all commander. Pitt also added three new brigadiers, amongst whom was a 30 year old war experienced (Dettingen, Fontenoy and Culloden were just three of his previous engagements) and unusually for the day wholly professional officer---Colonel James Wolfe.

The invasion fleet sailed from Halifax on 28th May and made landfall on Cape Breton Island on the 2nd June but because of storms and fog no actual landing could be made. However by the 8th June the storms had subsided enough for an assault to be made. The now Major General James Wolfe was to lead the landings with a brigade of Grenadiers (which included those from the 35th Foot) light infantry and Highlanders.

The initial landings were due to be made at Freshwater cove some four miles from the town, unfortunately unknown to the British, commanding the beach lay some 1000 French soldiers in well fortified positions. Nature was also taking a hand with a heavy and somewhat dangerous swell upsetting several boats amongst the rocks and drowning a number of soldiers but this same swell also made it difficult for the French batteries to aim their pieces.

As the French opened up a never the less devastating fire on the approaching boats Wolfe signalled for the attack to be cancelled. This order was only seen by a few of the boats and several of them managed to land their loads in a more sheltered part of the beach (The first ashore is contested by several Regiments, with the 35th Foot claiming Lieutenant Brown). Wolfe seeing that some of his force were landing, quickly countermanded his withdrawal order and reinforced the position with the rest of his command.

Calmly setting ashore Wolfe quickly organised his men and charged the nearest French gun position at bayonet point. Amherst fed more of his command onto the beach, and the French gunners abandoned their fortified positions and retreated into the fortress proper.

The rest of the army was soon ashore and Louisbourg invested. The siege was carried forward with much activity of both the 35th and General Wolfe. With the burning of three French warships (thanks to a lucky shot from a Marine battery) on the 21st July and the "cutting out" of the remaining two ships shortly after, any hopes of either relief or defence the  French  had, disappeared. On 26th July after a 52 day siege the French commander, governor General Drucour asked for terms. The uncompromising demand from the British was for an unconditional surrender, which Drucour had little choice but to accept. Some five thousand French prisoners came into British hands at the fall of Louisbourg along with two hundred and thirty one guns and mortars, fifteen thousand muskets and eleven colours (The later deposited in St Paul's Cathedral London).

Meanwhile the 35th were soon ordered, along with a battalion of the 60th Foot (royal Americans) to rebuild the old French Fort on the St John river--- Fort Frederick. This done the Regiment was dispersed into winter quarters. April 1759 saw the 35th reassembled at Halifax and Louisbourg as part of the Army under Major-General James Wolfe with the final goal as the capture of Quebec.

On 26th June 1759 the invading fleet dropped anchor near the Isle of Orleans some 4 miles from Quebec (The fleets approach and navigation of the St Lawrence river aided by the meticulous surveying activities of the fleets navigator one James Cook). By daybreak of the 27th the whole British army was ashore readying itself for the coming campaign.

Quebec itself stands on a high ridge between the confluence of two rivers, The mighty St Lawrence itself and the St Charles River. Garrisoning the city were 2000 men with some 100 or so cannon was under the command of Commandant de Ramezay. The north bank of the St Lawrence on which Quebec stood was a sheer cliff that stretched several miles westward from the city, presenting a major obstacle in itself, however it was also watched over by Bougainville, Montcalm's aid de camp with a small observation force. To the North of Quebec the approach was protected first by the St Charles River and then by Montcalm's fortifications, the Beauport lines, that stretched almost the six miles Eastwood to the Montmorency falls. Garrisoning these lines were some 15000 French regulars, militia and Indians who could deploy between the city and the lines thanks to a pontoon bridge over the St Charles River.

The initial action by Moncktons Brigade was the capture of Pointe aux Peres, a series of rocky heights on the southern bank of the St Lawrence opposite Quebec and where the river narrowed to only 1000 yards. By the 12th of July Monckton had managed to build a number of batteries on the site and these were soon inflicting heavy damage to Quebec's outer buildings.

On 9th July Wolfe had also sent Townsend's and Murray's Brigades to land at the Eastern end of the Montmorency falls. (At the extreme eastern end of Montcalm's fortifications on the north bank of the St Lawrence) The aim being of setting up batteries that would command all of the French positions and their garrisons. On the 31st July an attack was made on the nearest of the fortifications by massed grenadiers, including those from the 35th, which was beaten back at some cost, the 35th Regiment of Foot loosing twenty five officers and men killed and three missing. But all was not gloom and doom for the soldiers of the 35th it was around this time that several sentries from the regiment earnt themselves shares in the five guineas given to them by Wolfe for their capture of an Indian bent on acquiring their scalps.

By now the noose around Quebec had also been drawn tighter with several warships slipping past the guns of Quebec on the 18th July under the cover of darkness and preventing movement by French river craft further up river. Meanwhile patrols were sent out to the surrounding countryside not only to secure provisions but also to lay waste Quebec's rear and cause the Montcalm to send troops to protect these outposts and thereby weaken the centre of French operations, Quebec itself.

The plan against Quebec's rear was extended on the 29th of August with the troops at Montmorency abandoning the camp and being transferred to Monkton's camp at Point Levi. On the 12th September both Monkton and Murray's brigades were marched up river on the Southern bank and there embarked in flat bottomed river craft in order to launch an attack on the north bank.

Meanwhile Montcalm had transferred 4000 troops from his "Beauport" lines (following the abandoning of the British camp at Montmorency) sending them to reinforce the town. Montcalm firmly believed that he could rush further troops across his pontoon with time to spare if the British managed to force a landing anywhere along the north bank of the St Lawrence.

Wolfe had either through personal surveying, the diligence of others, informers or deserters, discovered only one and a half miles from Quebec, a rugged track that ran from a small cove to the top of the cliffs. Although protected by a barricade it was thought by the French to be an impossible attack route. It was this path that Wolfe intended to use.

The advance party was lead by in person by Wolfe and consisted of the 28th,43rd,47th Foot, plus  detachments of the 60th and the highlanders. The second wave including the 35th soon followed and the boats sent to ferry further troops--the 48th Foot and another battalion of the 60th from the southern bank of the St Lawrence.

The small guard at the top of the cliff was quickly over come by the light infantry, the noise masked by diversionary fire by the fleet on the Beauport lines and the batteries on Pointe aux Peres. By 6a.m. Wolfe's force of 4.500 men and (eventually) two cannon were being formed into position for the undoubted battle.

In a line running from the cliffs stood the 35th, "the Louisbourg Grenadiers" (a composite battalion drawn from the Grenadiers of the regiments garrisoning Louisbourg ---22nd Foot,40th Foot and 45th Foot, plus volunteers),then the 28th,43rd, 47th , the Highlanders, 58th and on the extreme left 15th Foot.
The combined light infantry (including those from the 35th were drawn up in the rear of the 15th Foot facing North from where an expected attack might materialise, a reserve consisting of  the 48th and one battalion 60th  stood a little to right of centre and a further battalion of the 60th guarded the landing site and cliff path. With his men deployed in a two deep line (in order to maximise weight of firepower) Wolfe ordered his men to load with double shot.

It was not until after 6 o'clock that Montcalm, at his camp in the Beauport lines, was informed not only of the British landing but that they were formed and ready for battle only a mile and a half from Quebec. Soon troops were rapidly crossing the pontoon bridge and deployed by Montcalm onto the Plains of Abraham.
 

The first French forces onto the field were some 1500 plus Militia and Indians who immediately started to work round the British flanks where some encountered the men of the 35th Foot. It is something of a quirk of history that the 35th during the largest pitched battle fought in Canada during this war, would encounter a number of adversaries, including five of the six French regular Regiments from the disaster at Fort William Henry. As to how this affected the men can only be guessed at but memory of Fort William Henry and revenge was certainly on the mind of a good few soldiers on both sides throughout the coming battle.

Montcalm deployed his men in line from the St Lawrence river with Troupes de la Marine, then the Royal Roussillon Regiment, followed by Guienne, Bearn, Languedoc, La Sarre and more Troupes de la Marine. Up until 10 o'clock the French and Indian allies kept up a steady fire on the British line but these were driven off by Colonel Howe with detachments of light infantry.

At about 10 o'clock the whole French line was ordered to advance by Montcalm resplendent in his Lieutenant Generals uniform including his cuirass and mounted on his black thoroughbred. Advancing to about one hundred and fifty yards the French line opened fire with a series of uncontrolled volleys. The British line stood, as they had been ordered, silent and motionless. About this time Wolfe received a wound in the wrist but continued his duties urging the men to reserve their fire

As the nearest French soldiers closed to about forty yards Wolfe gave the order to fire and the fully controlled doubled shotted volley roared out. When the smoke thinned a little, it was clear that the leading ranks in the French battalions had ceased to exist. Meanwhile the British reloaded advanced twenty paces and added another volley into the carnage. The French Army began to break.  Wolfe gave the order for a general advance and shortly after was shot twice while leading the 28th Foot and Louisbourg Grenadiers forward, being helped to his feet he was struck a third time. Despite his wounds he was able to order the 48th Foot to march to the Charles river to try to cut of the escape route to the French pontoon bridge. On the right the 35th  Foot encountered the Royal Roussillon Regiment charged at bayonet point and overwhelmed it

Meanwhile Montcalm desperately trying to rally his men was mortally wounded but despite his wounds managed to get several of the regular French battalions to safety across the St Charles river.It now became clear that many of the French being taken prisoner were also remembering amongst others, Fort William Henry "and extremely apprehensive" as to their fate "asking over and over again for quarter". Montcalm its seems was also thinking of Fort William Henry for despite the agony of his death bed (in Quebec) he dictated a letter to the British commander begging clemency for his men taken prisoner. This brave and honourable soldier passed away just before dawn on the 14th September.

With the British soldiers chasing the French army practically to the walls of Quebec Brigadier George Townsend took over command. Expecting at the very least a demonstration in force from fresh French forces under Bougainville Townsend recalled the British regiments from their chase and ordered the army into a line that might serve both as a defensive line and as a siege line. Further cannon were bought across the St Lawrence while outlying houses were fortified and incorporated into the defence scheme. (This threat actually materialised at about 11.a.m. a force of about 3000 men under Bougainville approached the British rear, being fired upon by the light infantry and the 48th Foot it retreated westwards).

By now the British could count the cost, all told there were 55 dead with some 607 wounded---the 35th Foot having 6 dead and 35 wounded. For the French there were some 500 dead and over 1000 wounded or prisoners.

Siege preparations were undertaken but before the advancing batteries could open fire Quebec was surrendered.

The British army now spent a miserable winter in Quebec while rumours mounted of a French attempt to recapture the city and actually occupied St Augustine some three miles from Quebec. By 26th April Brigadier Francois Gaston de Levis was able to assemble a force of 7000 plus sent down river from Montreal and attempt a surprise attack.

The now commander Brigadier James Murray heard of this attack and decided on fighting in the open (almost in the same position as the French army several months earlier). During the battle which followed both sides lost about 1000 men with the 35th Foot called into action at an early stage to check a French flanking movement, loosing 13 dead and 48 wounded. Fought in deep snow, the French were the eventual victors of the engagement but not before the British had retreated in good order into the city. On this occasion the French allowed the fate of many of the captured and wounded to be decided by their Indian allies.

The French now pressed forward with siege works but were forced to abandon this effort with the arrival of the British fleet between 9th and 16th May finally securing the city

On 12th July Murray rearranged the men of his command into composite battalions the 35th's Grenadiers joining a Grenadier battalion, four centre companies attached to the third composite battalion with 4 companies of the 60th Foot replacing them. This force embarked on river vessels and proceeded up the river "pacifying" the countryside as it went On 12th August while at anchor the 35th Foot were reunited with one of its drummers who had been captured at Fort William Henry over three years earlier.

The whole force was part of a three pronged attack under General Amherst (The other two being via Oswego or Ticonderoga/Crown Point/Lake Champlain) and on the 8th September after a number of small engagements Montreal was forced to surrender.

With "New France" now in British hands and the "World War" still in progress much needed troops could now be despatched from America to other areas. In November 1761 the 35th Regiment of Foot found itself in the company of ten other regiments under the command of General Monckton embarking at New York in preparation for operations against French (and eventually Spanish) possessions in the Caribbean.

By January the augmented fleet arrived off of Martinique where the army began landing a short distance from Fort Royal, the whole army being ashore by the 20th. On the 20th both "flank" companies were heavily involve in action against a French line drawn up in front of the town. After a brief fierce action the French retreated into the town (The 35th loosing 4 dead 17 wounded).

The British army now proceeded with siege preparations. During the night of January 27th the French mounted an attack against the British positions which the massed Grenadiers (including those of the 35th Foot) not only repulsed, but in the counter attack which followed, forced their way into the French redoubt. This position had the additional bonus of overlooking the town's citadel. (losses for the 35th Foot were 4 wounded) on the 30th of January the British batteries opened fire on the town which surrendered on the 4th of February, the whole island falling into British hands shortly after. (During three successive wars, British forces captured Martinique from the French only to see the island restored each time under the peace treaties).

On January 4th 1762 Britain had declared war on Spain and on news reaching General Monckton planned action againstr Spanish Caribbean possessions in particular Havana by June 6th the British army had landed some miles to the East of Havana. By 13th one of the strongest bastions in the defence of the town, Fort Moro was under siege which now progressed until the 30th of July when the 90th Foot with four companies of the 35th Foot managed to storm the forts now ruptured defences. The Garrison some seven hundred were overcome by the five hundred storming party at the cost of  45 officers and men, the Spanish defenders loosing 370.

With Fort Moro in British hands and the combined batteries of the army and the fleet opening fire on the 11th  of August the Governor surrendered.

During the actions in Havana the 35th Regiment of Foot lost 21 all ranks killed 28 wounded while 17 died of disease, the later being just a foretaste of the toll British regiments would pay for service in that part of the world.

Peace was signed on 10th February 1763 and the 35th Regiment of Foot found itself shipped to Pensacola in Florida which Spain had exchange with Britain for Havana under the peace treaty. Here suffering the ravages of disease, the Regiment stayed and died for the next two years. By late 1765 the 35th Regiment of Foot or rather the 40 or so left out of 1000(?) men who had landed in Florida return to England.

For the next ten years the Regiment found itself either in England or Ireland but in 1775 another war in America had surfaced. It was something of an ironic twist of fate that one of the Regiments--the 35th, was again to be one of the first to be sent to America, this time to fight the same people it had fought and suffered so much with, and for, but that's another story.